
!itf_ 



Glass ' o Cq' 



7 I 

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HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 



LOUISIANA, 









6^ 



EMBRACINC TRANSLATIONS OF 



MANY RARE AND VALUABLE DOCUMENTS 



RELATING TO THE 



NATURAL, CIVIL AND POLITICAL 

HISTORY OF THAT STATE. 



COMPILED WITH 



HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES, 

^^^^^ AND AN 

\ INTRODUCTION, 



?S- 



B/Ft'^FRENCH, 



Member of the Louisiana Historical Society ; of the American Association for the 

Advancement of Science ; Honorary Member of the Historical Society of 

Pennsylvania ; Corresponding Member of the Academy of 

Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, etc. etc. 



PART II. 



SECOND EDITION. 

PHILADELPHIA: 
DANIELS ANDSMITH. 

New York, G. P. Putnam; Boston, Little and Brown; Neiv Orleans, B. M. 
Norman; London, John Chapman; Paris, Gaugnani and Co. 

1850. 



ri 



i / Carte de la Louisiat* et 



QU COJLJRS DU MISSISSIPI 

._ /(' /. . //anr i?a r &uiU— De I'lfle cU /. (cade nuc hi dcA - Jcu. 







Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1850, by 

B. F. FRENCH, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District o^e^nsylvania. 

,♦ 






PHILADELPHIA: 
PRINTED BY T. K. & P. G. COLLINS. 



MEMBERS OF THE LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



THIS VOLUME 



IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 



■•• BENJAMIN F. FRENCH. 



PREFACE. 



In preparing this volume for the press, it has been my object to 
clear up as much as possible, by the publication of important narra- 
tives, all doubts respecting the claim of Spain to the first discovery, 
and of France to the first settlement and exploration of the Missis- 
sippi Kiver. In the sixteenth century, the name of Florida was given 
to all that country lying south of Virginia, and extending westward to 
the Spanish possessions in Mexico, including, of course, the present 
State of Louisiana. It was inhabited by several powerful tribes of 
warlike Indians, who subsequently resisted every attempt of England, 
France and Spain, to subjugate them. In 1512, Ponce de Leon, a 
companion of Columbus, sailed for Florida, and efiected a landing- 
near the present town of St. Augustine. He was attacked by the 
natives, and driven back with severe loss to his ships, mortally 
wounded. He returned with the wreck of his expedition to Cuba, 
where he shortly afterwards died. 

In 1520, Vasquez de Ayllon fitted out another expedition to take 
possession of Florida, but he was slain by the Indians, and his fleet 
returned to Cuba. In 1528, Pamfilo de Narvaez sailed from Cuba 
with four ships and a strong military force to conquer the country. 
He arrived in the Bay of Espiritu Santo (Tampa Bay), on the 12th 
of April, where he landed his army. After penetrating the country 
some hundreds of miles, and sufiering severe loss and incredible hard- 
ships, he returned to the sea-coast, and embarked the miserable 
remnant of his army in five frail vessels for Cuba. During his voyage 
a severe storm arose, in which he suffered shipwreck, and only a por- 
tion of his army ultimately reached Mexico in 1537. 

In 1539, Hernando de Soto, the companion of Pizarro in the con- 
quest of Peru, obtained permission of Charles the Fifth to conquer 
the country, and the title of governor and captain-general was con- 
ferred upon him. After nearly fourteen months spent in pi-eparation, 
he set sail from Spain on the 6th of April, 1538, and on the 31st 
May, 1539, he arrived in the bay of Espiritu Santo, where he landed 
his army. He penetrated the interior of the country, and passed down 
the valley of the Coosa River. He marched from thence to Alabama 
river, where he fought a great battle with the Indians. Leaving 
Mauvila, he marched northward and westward, and spent the second 
winter in Mississippi, where he lost a part of his army in a battle 
with the Chickasaws. Thence he bent his course to the Mississippi 
River, which he crossed in the latitude of the Chickasaw Blufts, and 



VI PREFACE. 

spent the next winter in the mountainous region of Arkansas. In the 
following spring he returned to the Mississippi River, where he died. 
The account of this famous expedition was written by Garcilaso de la 
Vega, and a gentleman of Elvas, and published in Spain some years after- 
wards. " It may be doubted/' says Mr. Sparks, " whether either of these 
works can be trusted as aflFording genuine historical materials. They 
have been cited by respectable writers in default of other authorities ; 
but they border so closely upon the regions of romance that they may 
as justly be ranked in this class of compositions as in that of history. 
This is generally conceded in regard to Gareilaso de la Vega, but his 
predecessor, the gentleman of Elvas, is thought to have higher claims." 
Since the above was written by Mr. Sparks, another account of this 
expedition into Florida and Louisiana has been found in manuscript, 
in Spain, written by Luis Hernandez de Biedma [facteur de sa Majeste), 
and presented by him to the king in 1544, which seems to have fur- 
nished the materials for these histories, and establishes beyond a doubt 
the claim of Spain to the discovery of the Mississippi Eiver, and the 
extensive country lying on both sides of it. It is written in a plain 
and unpretending style, and gives apparently a faithful account of 
the countries traversed by De Soto — the manners and customs of the 
Indians — their towns and villages — the mountains, rivers, and val- 
leys — the currents, islands, and other physical features of the great 
Mississippi valley and river ; and finally the preparation and departure 
of his successor Luis de Moseoso, from the mouth of the Arkansas, 
until his arrival in the river of Panuco in 1543. A translation of this 
rare and curious manuscript, together with an autograph letter of the 
Adelantado de Soto is now published for the first time in this volume. 
After the death of Hernando de Soto, more than a century elapsed 
before any further attempt was made to explore the Mississippi. In 
1673, M. Talon, the French governor of Canada, took measures to 
secure the dominion of France over all the countries lying south and 
west of the Canadian lakes; and, anxious to discover the sources, 
course, and direction of the great river which had been mentioned to 
the French missionaries by the Indians of the west, to flow towards 
the south, he sent Marquette and Joliet to explore it to the sea. 
They embarked in May, and proceeded down the river as far as the 
Arkansas, from whence they returned to Canada, and published an 
account of their voyage in the French language several years after. 
But it was left for the greatest traveler of his age, the Sieur Robert 
Cavalier de la Salle, to finish what they had begun. He set out from 
Canada in 1682, and reached its mouths on the 9th of April, and 
took possession of the country in the name of his sovereign, and called 
it Louisiana. The valuable and rare map accompanying this volume 
is a well-executed fac simile of the original. It aspires to a degree 
of accuracy that is of great importance both to the historian and anti- 
quarian. It preserves not only the Indian names of the lakes and 
rivers, but traces the routes of the early explorers, and lays down 
the localities of the numerous Indian tribes who once held sway over 
this extensive country. 



CONTENTS. 



An Account of the Louisiana Historical Society, ..... 1 

A Discourse on the Life, Writings, and Character of the Hon. Francois 

X. Martin, LL.D., first President of the Louisiana Historical Society, . 17 

An Analytical Index of all the public documents in Paris relating to the 

Discovery and early Settlement of Louisiana, ..... 43 

A Translation of an original letter of Hernando de Soto on the Conquest of 
Florida, 91 

A Translation of a recently-discovered manuscript Journal of the Expe- 
dition of Hernando de Soto into Florida, by Luis Hernandez de 
Biedma, 97 

A Narrative of the Expedition of Hernando de Soto into Florida, by a 
Gentleman of Elvas, translated from the Portuguese by Richard Hack- 
luyt, in 1609, 114 

A description of the English province of Carolana, by the Spaniards called 
Florida, and by the French la Louisiane. As also of the great and 
famous river Meschacebe or Mississippi, the five vast navigable lakes 
of fresh water, and the parts adjacent. Together with an account of 
the commodities of the growth and production of the said province, 
by Daniel Coxe, .......••• 223 

A Translation of Marquette and Joliet's account of a Voyage to Discover 
the Mississippi River, in 1673 ......■• 279 



LOUISIANA HISTOEICAL SOCIETY. 



New Orleans, May 1, 1850. 
To B. F, French, Esq. 
Dear Sir : — 

Agreeably with your request, I hand you the follow- 
ing paper, showing the progress as well as origin of 
our Historical Society, which you are at liberty to 
publish in the forthcoming volume of your Historical 
Collections of our State. 

The Society was originally established in 1836, as 
appears from some of its records delivered to me by 
its then Secretary, Louis Janin, Esq., of this city. 
The first President was Hon. H. Bullard. Secretaries, 
Mr. Harrison, a prominent young lawyer of that time, 
and editor of " Louisiana Condensed Reports," and Mr. 
Janin. Among the officers are recorded the names of 
Martin, Porter, Romac, Canonge, Barton; and among 
the members, Clapp, Gray, Eustis, McCaleb, Ingalls, 
Winthrop, Rost, Watts, Deblieux, Leonard, etc. The 
papers of the old Society which are preserved are 
very few — among them the able address of Judge Bul- 
lard, which you have published in the first volume of 
your Collections, and the Constitution, We extract 
this from its preamble. 
2 



2 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

'• The undersigned, citizens of Louisiana, wishing to unite their 
labors in investigating the history and geography of the country for- 
merly possessed by France and Spain, under the name of Louisiana, 
being assembled in New Orleans on the 15th day of January, 1836, and 
having agreed to associate themselves together, do adopt, &c. &c. &c." 

Among old memoranda, I find a resolution to in- 
quire of Hon. John Button relative to settlement of 
Acadian Coast and Indian tribes ; of Dr. Sibley, Bullard 
and Carr, about Natchitoches ; of Sir Wilham Dun- 
bar's representatives, about old papers, and in regard to 
late Historical Society at Baton Rouge; of Mr. Taylor 
relative to Lafourche and the little colony of Spa- 
niards; of Col. Skipwith about Baton Eouge Conven- 
tion, etc. etc. 

The Society appears soon after to have fallen into 
decay, for some reason or other, and become almost 
entirely extinct. 

In June, 1846, the Society was again revived by 
a meeting of the following gentlemen, at the State 
House, New Orleans. 

JOHN PERKINS, 
J. D. B. DE BOW, 
E. J. FORSTALL, 
HON. C. GAYARRE, 
GEN. JOSEPH WALKER, 
ALFRED HENNEN. 

Gen. Walker was called to the chair, and J. D. B. 
De Bow appointed Secretary. A committee to draft 
Constitution, consisting of Dr. Hawkes, Alfred Hen- 
nen, and J. D. B. De Bow, reported the following, 
which was adopted. 



CONSTITUTION 



LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



ADOPTED JULY 1, 1846. 



The preservation of books, pamphlets, manuscripts, and records 
containing historical facts, biographical anecdotes, temporary projects, 
and beneficial speculations, conduces to mark the genius, delineate the 
manners, and trace the progress of society in the United States, and 
must always have a useful tendency to rescue the true history of the 
country from the ravages of time, and the effect of ignorance or neg- 
lect. A collection of observations and descriptions in natural history 
and topography, together with specimens of natural and artificial 
curiosities, and a selection of everything which can improve and pro- 
mote the historical knowledge of our country, either in a physical or 
political view, has long been considered as a desideratum. Such is 
the introductory language of the Massachusetts Historical Society, the 
oldest association of the kind in any of the States of the Union, and 
in no language more forcible and comprehensive, it is conceived, can 
the objects of the Society we are about to organize be expressed. 

ARTICLE I. 

This Society shall be called the Historical Society of Louisiana. 

ARTICLE 11. 

It shall consist of resident and Jionorary members, the former to be 
of the State of Louisiana, the latter of other States. 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 



ARTICLE III. 

The officers of the Society shall be a President, sis Vice-Presidents, 
two Secretaries, whereof one shall be a recording, and the other a cor- 
responding Secretary, a Treasurer and Librarian elected annually, and 
by ballot. 

ARTICLE IV. 

There shall be an Executive Committee consisting of seven mem- 
bers appointed annually by the President, whose duty it shall be to 
solicit and receive donations, to recommend plans for promoting the 
ends of the Society, to digest and prepare business, and to execute 
such other duties as may be entrusted to them from time to time, re- 
porting the result at the regular meetings of the Society. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Society shall meet regularly on the first Wednesday evening of 
each month. 

ARTICLE VI. 

All resident members shall contribute for the use of the Society 
five dollars annually, to be paid over to the Treasurer. 

ARTICLE VII. 

Members shall be elected by ballot, on their names being presented 
to the Society, but no individual can be elected a member without re- 
ceiving the votes of four-fifths of those present. 

ARTICLE VIII. 
This Constitution shall not be altered, or amended, or abrogated, 
without a vote of four-fifths of the members present, previous notice 
of one month having been given. 

An election for officers resulted in Hon. Frangois 
Xavier Martin being elected the President. 

J. D, B. De BoWj from the Executive Committee, re- 
ported the following circular letter : — 



LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



CIRCULAR OF THE LOUISIANA HISTORICAL 
SOCIETY. 

For the purpose of eliciting information in relation to tlie various- 
subjects proper for the cognizance of Historical Associations, the fol- 
lowing queries are published. They will be sent to the members of 
the Society at large, and it is to be hoped will receive a due portion of 
regard, A general invitation is, however, extended to all persons 
who may have it in their power, in any manner, to promote the ob- 
jects of the association. If the Louisiana Historical Society does not 
publish its "Collections" as other societies have, much will have been 
gained by preserving them among its archives as subjects for the 
future historian. Letters on any and every subject interesting to the 
Society will be received with pleasure, and they may either be ad- 
dressed to the President, to the Executive Committee, or to the Sec- 
retary. 

HON. F. XAVIEE, MARTIN, President 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 



J. P. Benjamin, 
e. j. forstall, 
Dr. Hawkes, 



Alfred Hennen, 

L. Janin, 

Prof. J. L. Eiddell, 



X D. B. De Bow. 

QUERIES. 

1. Time of settlement of your parish; dates of oldest land grants; 
number and condition first settlers ; whence emigrating ; other facts 
relating to settlement and history ? 

2. Indian name parish ; what tribes originally ; what relics or 
monuments of them ; if Indians still, in what condition ? 

3. Biography, anecdotes, &c., of individuals distinguished in your 
vicinity in the past for ingenuity, enterprise, literature, talents, civil 
or military, &c. ? 

4. Topographical descriptions of your parish, mountains, rivers, 
ponds, animals, vegetable growth, rocks, minerals, sands, clays, chalk, 
flint, marble, pitcoal, pigments, medicinal and poisonoas substances^ 
&c. ? 



6 . HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

5. Former and present state of cultivation in parish; changes 
taking place ; introduction of cotton, sugar and rice ; what lands oc- 
cupied and unoccupied ; quality of soil ; improvements suggested in 
cultivation and new growths ; improvements in communication, roads, 
bridges, canals, &c. ; value of land ; kind and qualities of timber 3 
density of population, capacity of raising stock, &c. ? 

6. Instances of longevity and fecundity ; obsei'vations on diseases 
in your section ; on the weather, climate, healthy or otherwise — on 
the necessity of summer seats, &c. ? 

7. Increase and progress of population in your parish, distinguish- 
ing blacks and whites; advantages of schools and libraries enjoyed; 
proportion educated ? 

8. Churches or chapels in the parish; when and by whom erected; 
how supplied with clergy ; how supported and attended ; oldest in- 
terments, church vaults, &c. ? 

9. Date, extent, consequences and other circumstances of droughts, 
freshets, whirlwinds, storms, lightning, hurricanes, or other remark- 
able physical events in your section, from remote periods — other 
meteorological phenomena ? 

10. Literary productions emanating from your neighborhood ; your 
literary, scientific or art associations, if any; what manuscripts, pri- 
vate records, letters, journals, &c., or rare old books, interesting in 
their relation to the history of Louisiana, are possessed by individuals 
within your knowledge — state any other matters of interest ? 

Judge Martin, who has written the history of the 
State, and was a curious collector of old documents, 
stated in some of his remarks before the Society, the 
following, which was noted by the Secretary. 

There was an old Spanish book or manuscript re- 
garding Louisiana, its physical history, &c., once con- 
sulted by him, having borrowed it from the owner, 
Don Seriaco de Ceraos, who died in 1815. The 
daughter of a physician sent out by the King of 
France to this city, married Judge Watts. He may 
have left some papers. Hon. Edward Everett was 
chairman of a committee of Congress to purchase the 
French and Spanish books collected by the Spanish^ 



LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



consul. Bishop Blanc might obtain from the curates 
of our parishes much valuable information. Sir Wil- 
liam Dunbar left valuable papers, information of which 
might be had from Mr. Robert Ogden. 

In the fall of 1846, the Hon. B. F. Porter of Ala- 
bama delivered a public address before the Society. 

In December of the same year, our venerable Pre- 
sident, Judge Martin, died at his residence in this 
city. An eulogium was pronounced over his remains 
by the Hon. H. A. Bullard. 

The Society has received interesting letters from 
Hon. Joel R. Poinsett, and Wm. Gilmore Simms, of 
South Carolina ; Hon. Thomas H. Benton, Missouri ; 
Hon. Lewis Cass, Michigan ; Hon. H. Clay, Ken- 
tucky ; Professor Stephens, of Georgia ; Mr. Green- 
how, of Washington, D. C. ; Judge Bry, Ouachita, &c. 

Dr. Wurdeman, of South Carolina, presented the 
Society a few books relating to Cuba ; and Senator 
Johnson, of Louisiana, has regularly furnished Con- 
gressional and other documents. 

In the summer of 1847 the Society was incorpo- 
rated, and Hon. H. Bullard elected President. The 
Secretaries, John Perkins and J. D. B. De Bow, were 
appointed to visit the various societies at the north, 
and open interchanges of documents and correspond- 
ence. This duty they regularly performed. 

Hon. T. H. McCaleb was requested to correspond 
with the heirs of the late Judge Porter about docu- 
ments ; and Judge Bullard, with Mr. Bouligny, about 
his papers regarding the landing of O'Reilly. 

Hon. Charles Gayarre was elected to deUver the 
annual address, which he did, upon the " Romance of 
the Historv of Louisiana." 



8 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Under the auspices of the Society, the legislature, 
in 1847, made an appropriation of two thousand dol- 
lars, to procure copies of original documents from. 
Spain. 

The agent employed was Sr. Pascual de Gayaugos, and he seems 
to have entered npon his duties and prosecuted them with much dis- 
interested zeal. His labors were mainly directed to the archives in 
the city of Seville, whither they had been transported from the city 
of Madrid in 1828. Some researches were made in Madrid. The 
papers in both places were found to be in extreme disorder, tied up 
in bundles, not even labelled, and without classification. The time 
allowed for examination was very small, the archives being opened 
only three hours in the day, for five days in the week It is not per- 
mitted to make extracts, except by the officers of the establishment, 
and this increased the delay and the expense, as the rates were high. 
Besides, the offices are closed on every holiday — and sometimes for 
long vacations. There appears to have been a further embarrassment 
in the refusal of the Duke of Sotomayor to permit the examination of 
the papers of his father, while Minister to the United States, on the 
ground that he was concerned in secret correspondence for the sepa- 
ration of a part of the United States. Mr. Saunders made a per- 
sonal representation, which obtained an order that Mr. Gayangos might 
examine all the papers in the office of Grace and Justice, where all 
that relates to Louisiana is said to be, but have no copies without the 
consent of the Minister. Mr. Saunders, in his letter to Mr. Gayan- 
gos, expresses the opinion that the important secret papers had been 
taken away. In a subsequent letter, the agent states that he has 
been unable to find the secret papers relating to the correspondence of 
Gen. Wilkinson with the Consul of Spain. 

In another letter, he speaks of having obtained proof, by their own 
correspondence, of the intrigue in which Wilkinson and others were 
concerned, to separate Kentucky, Ohio, and other States from the 
Union. It seems, at this day, that men must have been crazy to en- 
tertain such a notion, but nevertheless, the charge has been often 
made, and now appears to be susceptible of documentary evidence. 

Sr. Gayangos has sent to Mr. Gayarre several bundles of important 
documents, derived from these sources. He has not yet had access to 
the Foreign Office, nor quite completed his examinations into the 
office of Grace and Justice — Gracia y Justida. 



LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 9" 

The papers received are in the custody of the Secretary of State, 
and have not yet been examined 

The State has purchased about a thousand pages 
of manuscripts (in two quarto volumes,) being prin- 
cipally short extracts taken from memoirs, letters, re- 
ports, &c., by Mr. Magne, one of the editors of the 
" L'Abeille," during his residence in Paris. 

Mr. Forstall has also given a full and elaborate 
index and analysis of the documents relating to Louis- 
iana, in Paris. 

In the summer of 1848, John Perkins, Esq., was 
delegated by the Society to make researches in Europe 
for interesting matter relative to Louisiana. What 
he has yet achieved will appear from the following 
most interesting letter. 

Paris, March 24, 1849. 

Sir : — I owe you an apology for the little allusion I have hereto- 
fore made to the historical researches in which you feel so much in- 
terest. I assure you they have not been out of my mind ; but my 
health was so delicate for the first three months after my arrival at 
Paris, that I seldom left my room, except for a ride, and was never 
free from pain. Of course, work was out of the question. I, how- 
ever, through the kindness of our Consul, Mr. "Walsh, made the ac- 
quaintance of a gentleman who, writing the history of La Salle, had 
occasion thoroughly to examine all the papers relating to the early 
settlement of our State, and I found from him that the field was much 
wider than I expected. Not only is the Marine Department rich in 
materials of historical interest to Louisiana, but there are also in the 
War and Foreign Departments, the archives and different public 
libraries of Paris, many documents of a most interesting kind, that 
seem to have escaped the attention of Mr. Forstall, and even of Mr. 
Gayarre. 

I have now, through the assistance of our Minister, Mr. Rush, and 
the courtesy of the gentlemen at the head of the different depart- 
ments, been permitted unrestricted examination of these papers, and 
their value cannot be exaggerated. The want of system, and the 



10 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, 

loose manner in wliicli they were thrown together, complained of by 
Mr. Forstall, and that rendered Mr. Broadhead's researches for the 
State of New York so laborious, are only to a certain extent remedied. 
There are still mingled in large volumes papers without order of date, 
and some of no date, whose epoch can be assigned only by a know- 
ledge of the date of the events to which they refer. The present 
Grovernment has, however, appointed a commission to classify and ar- 
range, with a view to future publication, the most important papers 
touching French colonial settlements in America, and it is expected 
that by the end of another year, there will be published all that relates 
particularly to Louisiana, up to the period of the discovery by sea of 
the mouth of the Mississippi, by D' Iberville, in 1697, and the first 
establishment of Louisiana, in accordance with the project of M. De 
Remonville. M. Margry expects to publish his life of La Salle 
about the same time. These two publications will cover everything of 
interest up to that date. The period of sixty-six years, that extends 
from that time to the termination of the French rule in 1763, the 
epoch of the cession of Louisiana to Spain, is full of interest ; and the 
documents derive more than merely historical interest from the minute 
details given of the agriculture, climate, and diseases of the new set- 
tlement. 

From that date to the sale of Louisiana to Jefferson, the papers 
are less numerous, and treat of cii'cumstances more generally known. 
There are a few, however, even of this epoch, of much interest. Un- 
der the circumstances, I conclude it would most subserve the purposes 
of our Historical Society to begin with a transcript of the papers 
where the publication on the part of the French Government ceases. 
Accordingly, I hope to send you during the ensuing season a digest, 
chronologically arranged, of all the papers in the different archives of 
the French Government referring to Louisiana, from the date of Iber- 
ville's landing in 1697, down to its final acquisition in 1803 by the 
United States. The labor of this composition has been great — much 
more than I could have achieved even with health by myself. I have 
been fortunate in securing the services of Mr. Margry, to whose mi- 
nute familiarity with the archives of the Government and the early 
history of our State must be ascribed any merit that the digest may 
be found to possess. 

When I tell you that it fills a large quarto of 500 closely written 
pages, you will see how impossible the idea I first conceived of send- 
ing home certified copies of the documents themselves. Louisiana 



LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 11 

ought to have them. She owes it to herself to collect this proper 
patrimony of her sons, in the record of an early history abounding in 
vivid incident, and illustrated with a display of the noblest traits of 
man's nature. New York has set a good example in the large appro- 
priation that enabled our present Secretary of Legation, Mr. Brod- 
head, to pursue his researches for four years in France, England, and 
the Hague. He who would now write a history of that State must 
begin by complimenting the enlightened spirit that places all his 
materials in the hall of her Historical Society. Massachusetts two 
years since made a similar collection at the instance of Messrs. Sparks 
and Everett, whose personal examination of the different foreign ar- 
chives taught them the value of manuscripts, now fortunately within 
the reach of every student of Harvard. If the memoranda I send can 
assist in any way the Historical Society of Louisiana, in accomplish- 
ing the purpose of its institution, and in attracting attention to the 
interest of our early history, I shall be gratified, and shall feel that I 
have acknowledged in some sort, the politeness of Gov. Johnson's note 
calling my attention to the subject. 

With much regard, your friend, 

JOHN PERKINS. 
J. D. B. De Bow, Esq. 

The Louisiana Historical Society has yet scarcely 
more than passed its infancy. It will be for those 
who come after us to adorn and complete the edifice 
whose foundation we have but barely laid. 

I annex a list of regular and honorary members, 
but few of whom have taken any active part in the 
business of the Society. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. D, B. DE BOW, Secretary, 



MEMBERS 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF LOUISIANA, 



Hon. H. A. Bullard, President, New Orleans. 

J. D. B. De Bow, Esq., Secretary, 

Hon. F. X. Martin, 

Hon. Isaac Johnson, 

Hon. Joseph Walker, 

Hon. Solomon W. Downs, 

Hon. Henry Johnson, 

Hon. George Eustis, 

Hon. Thomas Slidell, 

Hon. G-eo. Strawbridge, 

Hon. C. Gayarre, 

Hon. Charles Watts, 

Rev. Dr. F. L. Hawks, 

Benj. F. French, Esq. 

E. J. Forstall, Esq. 

Miles Taylor, Esq. 

Seth Lewis, Esq. 

Professor C. J. Forshey, 

A. M. Michel, Esq. 

Bernard Marigny, Esq. 

E. Mazureau, Esq. 

Lucius Duncan, Esq. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



13 



Alexander Gordon^ Esq. 
Hon. Seth Barton, Esq. 
Maunsel White, Esq. 
J. Nicholson, Esq. 
Sidney Johnson, Esq, 
Hon. A. B. Roman, 
Hon. Trasimond Lundry^ 
Hon. Isaac Preston, 
Hon. P. A. Rost, 
Hon. Henry Bry, 
Hon. Pierre Soule, 
Hon. Henry Carleton, 
David Randall, Esq. 
Lafayette Saunders, Esq. 
Thomas Beatty, Esq. 
Judge Butler, 
John Button, Esq. 
J. Winchester, Esq. 
Judge Jones, 

G-. Walterston, Esq. 

Col. Nicholas, 

Judge Gruion, 

C. Morgan, Esq. 

J. B. Carr, Esq. 

Dr. R. H. Sibley, 

Dr. W. Davidson, 

Judge King, 

J. K. Elgee, Esq. 

Hon. B. F. Porter, 

Samuel J. Peters, Esq. 

Dr. W. Kennedy, 

Dr. T. Clapp, 

Dr. Wedderstrandt, 

Dr. W. M. Carpenter, 

Dr. A. B. Cenas, 

Dr. F. Lebeau, 

Dr. F. A. Jones, 

Dr. Harrison, 

Dr. W. B. Hart, 

Dr. C. Luzenberg, 



New Orleans. 



Monroe. 

New Orleans. 

Donaldsonville. 

Feliciana. 

Thibodeaux. 

Feliciana. 

Plaquemines. 

St. James. 

Tammany. 

Livingston. 

Ascension. 

La Fourche. 

Point Coupee. 

Natchitoches. 

Rapides. 

u 

St. Landry. 
Rapides. 
Alabama. 
New Orleans. 



14 LIST OF MEMBERS. 

Dr. F. Axson, New Orleans. 

Dr. W. McCauley, " 

Dr. E. H. Barton, " 

Dr. J. L. Kiddell, " 

Judge Deblieux, " 

Judge Leonard, " 

John R. Grimes, Esq. " 

Hon. R. H. Wilde, " 

Hon. T. H. McCaleb, " 

Judge Morphy, " 

Thomas J. Durant, Esq. " 

Judge Labranche, " 

H. B. Cenas, Esq. " 

J. L. Sigur, Esq. " 

W. E. Elmore, Esq. " 

Professor Dimitry, " 

M. M. Cohen, Esq. " 

B. M. Norman, Esq. " 

E. A. Bradford, Esq. " 

General Planche, " 

Bishop Leonidas Polk, " 

Bishop Blanc, " 

Judge Canonge, " 

Martin Blache, Esq. " 

Edward Simon, Esq. " 

J. Dunbar, Esq. " 

W. Micon, Esq. " 

Levi Pierce, Esq. " 

A. Moise, Esq. " 

Gustavus Schmidt, Esq. " 

C. Roselius, Esq. " 

A. Maybin, Esq. " 

B. Ogden, Esq. " 
W. Relf, Esq. " 
Charles Derbigny, Esq. " 
H. Bullard, Jr., Esq. - " 
W. Walker, Esq. " 
L. Janin, Esq. " 
A. Hennen, Esq. " 
J. Perkins, Esq. " " 
J. Winthrop, Esq. " 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 15 



HONORARY MEMBERS. 

W. Gilmore Simms, South Carolina. 

Joel R. Poinsett, • " 

Thomas Benton, Missouri. 

Lewis Cass, Michigan. 

Henry Clay, Kentucky. 



A DISCOURSE 

ON 

THE LIFE, CHARACTER, AND WRITINGS 

OF THE 

HON. FRANCOIS XAYIEia MARTIN, LL. D. 

LATE SENIOR JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT, AND FIRST PRESIDENT 
OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF LOUISIANA, 

BY 

HENRY A. BULLARD, 

OSE OF THE LATE COLLEAGUES OF THE DECEASED. 



Gentlemen : — 

It has been the usage of most polished nations, on the demise of men 
who had become eminent in any of the departments of public affairs, 
to set apart a short time to be devoted to the consideration of their 
merits and their services. If they had deserved well of their country 
— if they had left their impress on the generation in which they 
flourished, it is proper that their memory should go down to posterity 
accompanied by the testimonials of their cotemporaries. This is less 
important in relation to the successful soldier who has fought the 
battles of his country, and the distinguished statesman who has skill- 
fully piloted the vessel of state, because history is almost exclusively 
devoted to recount their exploits and blazon their triumphs ; but 
those whose fame is to be measured by their usefulness, during a 
long and noiseless career, in the more tranquil and less ambitious pur- 
suits of life, and especially in the magistracy, ought not to be per- 
mitted to pass off the stage without dwelling for a few moments upon 
their merits, and holding them up as examples worthy of being fol- 
lowed by the generation which is to succeed us. 
3 



18 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA, 

It was in compliance 'witli this usage that the Bar of New Orleans, 
on the demise of Frangois Xavier Martin, did me the honor, as the 
oldest of the late colleagues of the deceased, to request me to pro- 
nounce, on this occasion, a discourse upon his life and character. Of 
a man whom I have !known for more than thirty years, nearly twelve 
of which were passed in the discharge of arduous duties by his side, 
it is impossible for me to speak in the set phrase of common-place eulo- 
gium — such language would be unsuited to the occasion — unworthy 
of him and of myself. I shall endeavor rather, by spreading before 
you what he has accomplished, and what he has written, to let him 
portray himself, and thereby show you what eminent qualities he 
possessed as a scholar, a jurist, and a man. 

Judge Martin was born at Marseilles, in France, on the 17th of 
March, 1762, and descended from one of the most ancient and re- 
spectable families of Provenge. His father was a merchant of high 
standing, a man of piety and exti'eme exactness in the management 
of his business. He was the third of a large number of children. 
His early education was strictly domestic, and his studies were con- 
ducted by a learned ecclesiastic, who acted at the same time as chap- 
lain of the family. Under his tuition he acquired a critical knowledge 
of the Latin language, and the elements of the English and Italian. 
As he was destined for commercial pursuits, his education, up to the 
age of seventeen, was such as to qualify him for that profession. So 
exact was his knowledge of Latin, and his recollection of some of the 
classics, that he was fond of reciting, at a very advanced age, long 
passages from Horace, who was his favorite author. 

He had one uncle, who was connected with the French army in 
Canada, in the commissary department, about the time of the con- 
quest of that province by Great Britain; and another in Martinique,' 
who had the supply of provisions from the French navy in those seas, 
and who had amassed a considerable fortune. He was a bachelor, 
and somewhat advanced in years. Young Martin, at the age of about 
seventeen or eighteen years, sailed for Martinique, with a view of 
joining his uncle, and going into business under his auspices, and by 
his assistance. He had not been long there, before his uncle con- 
cluded to return to France, where he died soon afterwards. He with- 
drew his capital from business, but left his nephew the means of 
commencing an establishment on his own account; but through youth 
and inexperience, he was unsuccessful. How long he remained in the 
island, I have not been able to learn with much precision — it is sup- 
posed about three or four years. Having been interested in commer- 



HON. FRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 19 

cial adventures to the Carolinas, where the person concerned with him 
had died, he embarked on board a schooner bound for North Carolina, 
in hopes of recovering something which was due to him. In this 
also he was unsuccessful. It was under such circumstances that the 
subject of this memoir found himself in P^ewbern, North Carolina, 
at the age of about twenty, destitute of resources, among strangers 
whose language he understood imperfectly, if he could speak it at all. 
But he did not suffer himself to despair ; ashamed to return to his 
native place, he determined to employ to the best account the means 
which his early education had furnished him. He engaged in various 
pursuits, and among others the teaching of the French language. It; 
occurred to him that something might be done in the printing busi- 
ness, of which he was at that time entirely ignorant. He offered 
himself to the only master printer then in Newborn, by the name of 
James Clark, a kind-hearted man, who gave him, employment in his 
office. But finding that young Martin knew nothing of the practical 
business of a compositor, he made the remark to him. The excuse 
given by Martin was that the types are distributed in the boxes dif- 
ferently in France, and that it would take some time to get the rue 
of them. The good easy man was patient with him, until he became 
a very expert compositor, and continued for some time in his employ- 
ment. In the mean time, he became more generally known, acquired 
a better knowledge of English, and wherever he was known was re- 
spected for his industry and diligence. He finally either bought out 
his first employer, or with the assistance of friends purchased an old 
font of types and a press, and set up for himself as a printer. He 
published a newspaper, school books, almanacs, the journals and acts 
of the general assembly, and did other jobs of that kind, until his 
establishment became somewhat lucrative. 

His connection with the press inspired him with the idea of de- 
voting himself to the study of the law. In this he was encouraged 
by several friends, but especially by one who was at the same time 
eminent in the profession, and possessed a liberal mind. That man 
was Abner Nash, who had become acquainted with him, discovered 
his capacity, his classical attainments, and his constancy in adverse 
fortune. It was under the auspices, and with the assistance of Mr. 
Nash, that he prosecuted his legal studies. Judge Martin always 
spoke of that gentleman as his early benefactor and friend. 

He was of course first educated in the common law, and at that 
time acquired the accurate and extensive knowledge of its principles 
which marked his whole future career in his profession. He was a 



20 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

great admirer of those strong barriers whicli that system of laws 
throws around the personal rights of the citizen, against the invasions 
of arbitrary power — of its broad distinctions, the flexibility with which 
it adapts itself to the progressive changes of society, and the complex 
transactions of man. Hence he sometimes felt himself cramped by 
the restraints of a written code — and I remember that perhaps on 
more than one occasion, when reminded by counsel of that injunc- 
tion of the Louisiana code which forbids the judge disregard the 
■icords of a law under the pretext of pursuing its spirit, he replied, 
" Certainly never under the pretext of pursuing its spirit; but if, in the 
sincere desire to ascertain the will of the lawgiver, you discover that 
it would be violated by giving a literal interpretation to the words he 
has employed to express it, you are bound to give those words a 
reasonable interpretation, rather than that which corrodes the text 
and frustrates in truth the will of the legislator." 

I have not been able to ascertain precisely at what period he was 
admitted to the bar. But it is certain that he engaged in practice to 
a considerable extent,! became extensively known as a sound and able 
lawyer and one of the most distinguished sons of North Carolina. 
William Gatson, who at difi"erent periods of his life was remarkable 
for his eloquence as a member of Congress, and his ability and learn- 
in o- as a judge of the Supreme Court of that State, was a student in 
his office. 

During the earlier part of his career as a lawyer, he prepared and 
published a small treatise on the duties of sherifis, and another relat- 
ing to the duties of justices of the peace, and a third upon executors 
and administrators. These works were useful compilations to that 
class of public officers. They were prepared by him partly to profit 
by the printing of them himself, but principally with a view of im- 
pressing more deeply on his own mind the principles and rules of 
those branches of the law. It was indeed his favorite mode of study, 
and one which he frequently recommended to young men to pursue. 

At a later period, he was encouraged by the legislature of North 
Carolina to prepare a compilation of the British statutes which were 
in force in that State at the period of the revolution. It was a work 
of immense labor to examine critically the whole body of British 
statutory law, with a view of ascertaining which of them were appli- 
cable to that colony. I have often heard him express his sui-prise at 
finding how very few acts of Parliament existed which had any relation 
to the general principles of the English law, which appear to have 
been left almost exclusively to the courts of justice. Most of them 



HON. TRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 21 

related to mere fiscal regulations, and there ' was not to be found 
a single enactment which related to the order of descent and the 
distribution of estates. The whole rested upon immemorial usage. 
We certainly did not inherit from our English ancestors our rage for 
excessive legislation. 

It was while preparing this work that the idea occurred to him of 
collecting materials for the history of North Carolina, which was not, 
however, published until 1827, but may as well be mentioned in this 
connection. As early as 1791 his attention was turned to that sub- 
ject ; but having been employed in 1803, by the legislature of North 
Carolina, to publish a revisal of the acts of the General Assembly, 
passed during the proprietary, royal, and state governments, he ac- 
quired in carrying out the views of the legislature such information 
as suggested to him the idea of collecting more ample material for 
such a history. Having been afterwards elected a member of the 
House of Commons, as the representative of the town of Newbern, 
he had access to the records of the State. These materials, so far as 
they related to transactions before the revolution, he had already ar- 
ranged before he came to Louisiana. The history was published in 
New Orleans, in two volumes, octavo. It relates to the history of the 
Carolinas before the revolution, preceded by a sketch of the discovery 
and first settlement of the other British colonies in North America. 
This work evinces great labor and research. It appears from the pre- 
face that the author had prepared ample notes and materials for a con- 
tinuation of his history through the war of the revolution, and bring- 
ing it down to the year 1810, when he left North Carolina. But the 
continuation of the work never was written out. 

In the year 1802, Judge Martin gave to the profession the first 
translation into English of the treatise of Pothier on Obligations. 
Its publication preceded by about four years the appearance of that 
of Evans, in England, with ample and useful notes — and its circula- 
tion, though extensive in the United States, was probably curtailed 
by that circumstance. While the publication of this work in English 
was a valuable addition to the library of the American bar, as it em- 
bodies the quintessence of the law of contracts and obligations in 
general, equally authoritative wherever the written reason of the 
Koman law is respected, the preparation of it for the press tended to 
imprint more deeply on the mind of the translator the principles of 
that branch of the civil law, and to direct his attention to the ori- 
ginal sources from which they flowed. He thus became thoroughly 
acquainted with that great work, the masterpiece of its author — and 



22 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

SO completely master of the subject, that it appeared to have become 
a part of the texture of his own mind — and to the last he exhibited 
a surprising familiarity with the principles which it unfolds with 
equal simplicity and precision. 

It was thus that Frangois Xavier Martin, thrown in his youth 
among strangers, with whose language he was imperfectly acquainted, 
by unwearied diligence and rigid economy, uniting the study and 
practice of the law, with the superintendence of a printing press, not 
only emerged from poverty to an easy competency, but became the 
associate of the ablest men of his day in North Carolina, and ac- 
quired those stores of knowledge, both of the civil and the common 
law, which prepared him for eminence and usefulness in the new and 
more extended theatre to which he was soon afterwards called. 

Those who have experienced in themselves that sinking of the heart, • 
that utter solitude of soul, which is produced by being cast in youth, 
destitute and among strangers, without a profession — far from the en- 
dearments of home — without experience — without a guide — without 
a patron — chilled by the cold indifference of the surrounding crowd 
— even although those among whom he is thrown may be connected 
with him by the sympathies of a common language and a kindred 
origin, may form some conception of that firmness of purpose, that 
energy of character, which enabled the subject of this notice, under 
circumstances still more discouraging, to triumph over " the slings 
and arrows of outrageous fortune." 

So favorably was Mr. Martin known at that time to the public, 
that as early as the winter of 1809, towards the close of Mr. Jeffer- 
son's administration, he was designated as a proper person to be ap- 
pointed one of the Judges of the Superior Court of the Territory of 
Mississippi. His commission was issued under the signature of Mr. 
Madison, on the 7th of March, 1809, three days after his inaugura- 
tion as President of the United States. He continued but a short 
time in that Territory, and on the death of Judge Thompson he was 
commissioned on the 21st of March, 1810, a Judge of the Superior 
Court of the Territory of Orleans, and shortly afterwards entered 
upon the duties of that of&ce in this city. 

Before I proceed to detail the labors of the deceased in Louisiana, let 
us pause for a few moments and consider the condition of things here 
at that time, and especially the state of our Jurisprudence. 

Seven years before the period of which I am speaking, Louisiana 
was a Spanish Province ; governed by a system of laws written in a 
language understood by only a small part of the population, and which 



HON. rRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 23 

had been forced upon the people at the point of the bayonet by 
O'Reilly, and which superseded the ancient French laws by which the 
Province had been previously governed. Upon the change of Govern- 
ment, the writ of habeas corpus, that great bulwark of personal 
liberty, had been introduced, together with the system of proceedings 
in criminal cases, and the trial by Jury, according to the principles of 
the Common Law. In 1808 was promulgated the Digest of the Civil 
Laws, then in force in Louisiana, commonly called the Old Code. 
That compilation was little more than a mutilated copy of the Code 
Napoleon. But instead of abrogating all previous laws, and creating' 
an entire system, as had been done in France by the Code Napoleon, 
superseding the discordant customs, ordinances and laws in the differ- 
ent departments, our code was considered as a declaratory law, repeal- 
ing such only as were repugnant to it, and leaving partially in force 
the voluminous codes of Spain. The Superior Court had already 
been organized for some years, and was composed of three Judges, 
any one of whom formed a quorum: and as the several Judges then 
sat separately in the different Districts, each could pronounce a judg- 
ment in the last resort. There was no means of establishing uni- 
formity of decision: no publicity had been given to the decisions, 
and the public was without any guarantee for their uniformity. The 
law was wholly unsettled, and in a state of chaos. The Court of Cas- 
sation in France had begun, it is true, to fix the interpretation of their 
Code, but the rules applicable to ours were obviously different in 
many respects, in consequence of the manifest difference in their 
creating and repealing clauses. It became necessary to study and 
compare the French and the Spanish Codes, and although the Roman 
Law never had, jjroprzo vigore, any binding force here, yet in doubtful 
cases, or in cases in which the positive law was silent, it might well 
be consulted as the best revelation of the principles of eternal justice, 
and, as it were, an anticipated commentary upon the Code. 

Judge Martin felt at once the difficulty of the task before him, and 
he determined to commence without delay the publication of Reports 
of cases decided by the Superior Court. He was induced to under- 
take that labor for the double purpose of giving publicity to the deci- 
sions of the Court, in the nature of a compte rendu to the people, 
and thus . guarding against misrepresentations or misapprehensions, 
and to insure to a certain extent uniformity of decision. The first 
volume appeared in the spring of 1811, and a second in 1813, bring- 
ing down the decisions of the Court from 1809 to the establishment 
of the State Government 



24 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

At that period, a Supreme Court was created, having appellate 
jurisdiction only. That Court was at first composed of Judges Hall, 
Matthews and Derbigny, and Judge Martin was appointed the first 
Attorney-General of the State, on the 19th of February, 1813. He 
was an able criminal lawyer; and although it has been said he was 
not eloquent, yet he is admitted to have discharged the duties of that 
office with zeal and ability. After the resignation of Hall, he was 
appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court on the first of February, 
1815. From that period he continued in ofiice until the 18th of 
March, 1846 — a period of more than thirty-one years. He entered 
on his eighty-fifth year on the very day he was superseded by the 
appointments under the new constitution. 

The time at which Judge Martin was appointed to the Supreme 
Court, will ever form a memorable epoch in the history of Louisiana. 
A powerful invading army menaced the Capital : the citizens were in 
arms : Martial law had been proclaimed by the General in command, 
and by an act of the Legislature passed on the 18th of December 
previous, all judicial proceedings in civil cases were suspended until 
the first of May : no business was transacted at the January and Feb- 
ruary terms of the Court. In the mean time, the enemy had been 
repulsed and peace restored. Ofiicial information, however, had not 
yet reached here of the treaty of Ghent, and when the Court met 
early in March, martial law was still in force. A motion was then 
made that the Court should proceed to the trial of a particular case 
then pending. This motion was resisted on two grounds : first, that 
the city and its environs were, by general orders of the officer com- 
manding the Military District, put, on the 15th of December previous, 
under strict Martial Law ; and secondly, that by the third section of 
an act of Assembly, approved on the 18 th of December, all proceed- 
ings in any civil case were suspended. 

It was upon this occasion that Judge Martin pronounced his first 
opinion as a Judge of the Supreme Court, and the judgment of that 
Court upon these two important questions of Constitutional Law. In 
answer to the bold and novel assertion that by the proclamation of 
martial law the officer who issued it had conferred upon himself, 
over all his fellow-citizens within the space he had described, a su- 
preme and unlimited authority, which being incompatible with the 
exercise of the functions of Civil Magistrates, necessarily suspends 
them, he declared that the exercise of an authority vested by law in 
that Court could not be suspended hy any man. He then went into 
the question as to the power of the Executive, or any subordinate 



HON. FRANCOIS XAVTER MARTIN. 25 

acting under liis authority, to suspend the regular operation of the 
laws, and the writ of habeas corpus ; and he demonstrated by unan- 
swerable arguments, and by the highest authority both in the United 
States and in England, that it can only be done by Legislative autho- 
rity. He showed that in England, martial law could not be declared 
to the extent contended for but by the authority of Parliament, and 
that even during the invasion of the Pretender, the Crown did not 
assume that power, but referred it to the decision of Parliament. 
The second point involved also an important question of constitutional 
law, and the application of that clause in the Constitution of the 
United States, which prohibits the State Legislatures from passing 
any law impairing the obligation of contracts. - Upon this part of 
the case, he argued that the obligation of the contract referred to in 
the Constitution consisted in the necessity every man is ujtder, in foro 
legis, to do or not to do a particular thing : that the Constitution spoke 
of the legal obligation rather than the moral, and that any law as- 
suming to interfere between the debtor and the creditor, and abso- 
lutely recalling the power which the creditor enjoys of compelling his 
debtor, in foro legis, to perform his contract, would be a law impairing 
its obligation : and that a law destroying or impairing the remedy 
is as unconstitutional as one affecting the riglit in the same manner. 
He goes on to show that a law procrastinating the creditor in his 
remedy, generally speaking, destroys a part of the right, on the prin- 
ple that he who pays later pays less — mimus solvit que serius solvit 
But he continues : " It does not necessarily follow that an act called 
for by other circumstances than the apparent necessity of relieving 
debtors, one of the consequences of which is nevertheless to work 
some delay in the prosecution of suits, and consequently to retard 
the recovery and payment of debts, must always be declared uncon- 
stitutional. In making a contract, each party must know that his 
legal remedy must depend on the laws of the country in which he 
may institute his suit. That the lex loci as to his remedy, even in 
the States that compose the Federal Union, is susceptible of juridical 
improvement. That the number of Courts of original and appellate 
jurisdiction, the nature and extent of the respective jurisdiction of 
these, the number, time and duration of their sessions, must from time 
to time, especially in new and growing settlements, be regulated bj 
the Legislature, according to the wants and exigencies of the coun- 
try." He adds that in times of war, domestic commotion or epidemy, 
circumstances may imperiously demand for a while even a total sus- 
pension of judicial proceedings : that under such circumstanceSj the 



26 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

Courts might of their own authority he justified in adjourning, and 
that the Legislature might well declare the necessity of such an ad- 
journment, and, with a view to that order and regularity which uni- 
formity produces, fix a day on which judicial business might be 
resumed, without impairing the obligation of contracts. The act of 
the Legislature was therefore declared to be of binding force. 

These two great principles, that the habeas corpus cannot be con- 
stitutionally suspended by any Executive or Military authority, and 
that the Legislative power is itself incapable of impairing the obliga- 
tion of private contracts, form the very basis of constitutional free- 
dom in a government of laws. Without the first there would be no 
guard against arbitrary imprisonment — no safety for personal liberty; 
and without the second, private rights would be at the mercy of arbi- 
trary legislation. The Courts, governed by the Constitution as the 
supreme and paramount law, are guardians of both. 

The elaborate treatises and numerous adjudged cases published 
since that day have thrown but little additional light upon that part 
of Constitutional Law. These principles have been, it is believed, 
iiniformly recognized as sound, and especially by very recent decisions 
of the Supreme Court of the United States. Indeed, it may be as- 
serted without hesitation that Judge Martin was an able constitutional 
lawyer, well acquainted with the complex machinery of our American 
Crovernments. It is a branch of public law, with which the Jurists 
of England and of the Continent are very imperfectly acquainted, 
because it is here alone that a great central power exists, round which 
numerous co-ordinate, though limited sovereignties, revolve, in well de- 
fined orbits, and their centrifugal tendencies are controlled and coun- 
teracted by the insensible attraction of the great centre ; and where 
the Judicial tribunals are invested with the power of pronouncing, in 
all cases assuming a Judicial form, upon the validity of acts of ordi- 
nary legislation emanating from either, and thus maintaining the har- 
mony and regularity of the whole system. 

And here let me remark, onee for all, that Judge Martin eshibited 
on that occasion, as well as every other, during his long Judicial 
career, the highest degree of moral courage and firmness of purpose. 
JSTothing could deter him from the fearless expression of his opinion, 
without the slightest regard to persons. To him, it was quite imma- 
terial who the parties were ; as much so as it is to the Geometrician 
hj what letters may happen to be designated the angle he is about to 
taaeasure. 

The first opinion pronounced by him affords also a fair sample of 



HON. TRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 27 

his style as a writer. It is true his style underwent a great change 
at a more advanced period of life — but at the time I am speaking of, 
it was plain and strong, and free from ambiguity, and much more 
copious than in after life. He came at last to pride himself upon the 
terseness of his style and his great brevity, and often repeated the 
injunction of the poet: 

" Ssepe stylum vertas, iterum qus3 digna legi sint 
Scripturus ;" 

though he sometimes appears to have forgotten another caution of 
the same author : 

" Brevis esse laboro, obscurus fio." 

Judge Martin did not lose by removing to Louisiana his fondness 
for book-making. Besides other publications which I shall have oc- 
casion to mention, he published in 1816 his Digest of the Territorial 
and State Statutes up to that time, called " Martin's Digest," in two 
volumes, in French and English. This work was undertaken under 
a resolution of the Greneral Assembly. It is mentioned mainly to 
show with what indefatigable industry he pursued his labors, besides 
those of the Bench, and his constant devotion to studies connected 
with his profession. His Digest was in constant use by the profes- 
sion for many years. 

He continued to publish his Reports of the Decisions of the Su- 
preme Court until 1830, and, including the two small volumes con- 
taining the Decisions of the Superior Court, already mentioned, he 
produced twenty volumes, embracing the entire period from 1809 to 
1830. During nearly all that time from 1810 he was one of the 
Judges, and performed his full share of the labor of the Court. The 
opinions prepared by him exhibit evidences of deep learning and ex- 
tensive research, while at the same time he superintended himself 
the printing and publication of his Reports. 

But what is most surprising is that, while thus engaged in groping 
his way with his colleagues through the labyrinth of our earlier law, 
often bewildered by the cross-lights of conflicting codes and discordant 
commentators — while thus assiduously employed, and doing his full 
share in reducing it to something like a regular system — he should 
have found time to collect, from various sources, both public and pri- 
vate, very ample materials for a History of Louisiana; His History 
was put to press in 1827, and narrates the principal events in the 
Province, Territory and State, from its first settlement down to the 
Treaty of Ghent. It contains many curious and interesting statistical 



28 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 01' LOUISIANA. 

tables, showing the comparative state of commerce, agriculture, arid 
population, at diiferent periods. Its pages exhibit to the young 
Louisianian, to use the language of the -author in his preface, his re- 
mote progenitors — a handful of men, left on the sandy shore of Biloxi, 
harassed during the day by the inroads, disturbed at night by the 
yells, of hostile Indians — the incipient state of civil government un- 
der the authority of the Crown — the tardy progress of agriculture 
and trade under the monopolies of Crozat and the Western Company 
— the massacre of the French among the Natchez — the destruction 
of that nation and the subsequent war with the Chickasaws — the 
slow advances of the Colony after the Crown resumed its government 
— the cession to Spain, and the languishing state of his country while 
a, Colony of that Kingdom — and may afterwards behold the dawn of 
liberty on his natal soil under the Territorial Grovernment of the 
United States, and finally the rise of Louisiana to the rank of a sove- 
reign State. The subject is one full of romantic interest, and though 
not treated by our author in the most attractive form, yet the work is 
always referred to with entire confidence in the historical accuracy of 
its statements, and of the events which it records. It is a faithful 
repository of materials for a more extended and elaborate history. 
It is, however, upon the juridical labors of Judge Martin that his 
fame must hereafter rest. He became, at the same time, so exten- 
sively and favorably known as a jurist and a scholar, that he was 
elected in 1817, a member of the Academy of Marseilles, his native 
place. Some years afterwards the University of Nashville, in Ten- 
nessee, conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Laws ; and in 1841, 
the University of Cambridge, the oldest College in North America, 
honored him with the same degree. 

It is manifestly impossible to speak of the judicial labors of Judge 
Martin, without embracing a view of those of his colleagues, at least 
as low down as 1834, when Judge Porter retired. It was during 
that period the greatest changes took place in our positive Legislation, 
and in the development of our Jurisprudence. In 1825 the Code 
was amended, and among the amendments were embraeed many of 
the principles already settled by the Supreme Court. About the same 
period, the Code of Practice was promulgated; and its first effect was 
to unsettle the practice, and to give rise to an infinite number of in- 
tricate and difficult questions ; and finally, in 1828, all the old Civil 
Laws of the country were abrogated. From that period the Spanish 
Law ceased to have any force here, and it was no longer necessary 
to recur to it as the guide of decision, except in the few cases which 



HON. FRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 29 

arose before that period. The study of the Spanish law was no longer 
prosecuted, except as a matter of curiosity, and the adjudged cases, 
which turned upon some principle or exception of the Spanish law, 
could not always be safely followed under the new legislation of the 
State. The new Code introduced many important modifications, par- 
ticularly relating to restrictions upon testamentary dispositions — 
changing the rules of inheritance — providing something like a regular 
administration of estates, and in other respects profiting by the able 
commentaries which had already appeared in France upon the Napo- 
leon Code. The system was much more complete, though not en- 
tirely free from provisions — apparently contradictory — but it was 
certainly a great approximation to what Lord Bacon in one of his 
aphorisms regards as the best law — that which leaves the least room 
for the discretion to the Judge. 

It cannot be expected that I should enter on this occasion much at 
large on the labors of the Court during the period I have mentioned. 
There is, however, one class of cases depending upon that branch of 
international Jurisprudence, called the conflict of laws, which engaged 
its attention more frequently than perhaps any other Court in the 
United States. This arose from our peculiar position. This great 
commercial emporium, having relations with most of the States of 
the Union, and most of the nations of Europe, which are governed 
by different laws, and many emigrants being married abroad and 
under other Regimes, and acquiring property here, innumerable ques- 
tions arose touching the rights of the parties, and the construction of 
contracts executed abroad, or entered into here, to have their effect 
elsewhere. These questions were often perplexing, and it is generally 
conceded that the decisions of that Court threw great light upon the 
subject, and satisfactorily solved most of the questions thus presented. 
Such at least is the opinion of Judge Story, as expressed by him in 
perhaps the most learned, though not the most satisfactory of his able 
Treatises upon different branches of the law — I mean his Comment- 
aries on the Conflict of Laws. There is one opinion, however, de- 
livered by Judge Martin, upon which a single remark may not be 
amiss — I allude to the case of Humphreys & Dupau. The question 
was whether a promissory note, made here and payable in New York, 
bearing a rate of interest not permitted by the laws of New York, 
was valid or usurious. The Judge put forth on that occasion all his 
learning, ingenuity, and even subtlety, to show that the validity of 
the contract, though to be executed in New York, was to be tested by 
the laws of Louisiana. The decision did not escape the censure of 



30 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Judge Story, who, in his first edition of his Conflict of Laws, com- 
ments on it somewhat at length, and endeavors to show that it is 
erroneous in itself, and even unsupported by the authorities cited in 
support of it. Judge Martin never possessed any improper obstinacy 
or pride of opinion ; on the contrary, he was always open to convic- 
tion, and often yielded his first conclusions to the force of argument 
and authority. But on that occasion he was tenacious of his opinion 
— so much so that when he visited the North some years afterwards, 
■ he repaired to Cambridge for the purpose principally of discussing 
with his critic the doctrines maintained by him in the case above al- 
luded to. He thought he had on the way enlisted Chancellor Kent 
as an ally in the controversy; whether it was so is questionable. He, 
however, repaired to Cambridge, and a long discussion ensued. As 
usual among lawyers, each maintained his ground, and each was con- 
firmed in his opinion by his own arguments. In the next edition of 
the Conflict of Laws, the learned author returns to the charge, and 
combats, at much greater length, the soundness of that decision. 
Under such circumstances, it may well be doubted, to say the least 
of it, but it will depend on others whether it shall be ultimately 
overruled. 

" Non nostrum est tantas componere lites." 

Not only was Judge Martin aided in moulding into form and sym- 
metry our system of Jurisprudence, by the quick perception of what 
is just, and the instinctive sense of equity of Mathews, and the more 
ardent industry and extensive research and erudition of Porter, and 
previously by the unpretending but extensive learning of Derbigny, 
but the period between the organization of the Territorial Govern- 
ment and the repeal of the Spanish Law was the classical age of the 
Bar of Louisiana. The Court was assisted in its researches, and en- 
lightened in its path, by the various learning and elegant scholarship, 
and profound knowledge of different systems of Jurisprudence of 
Livingston and Brown, Workman and Moreau Lisbet, and Duncan, 
and numerous others. It does not become me to speak of the sur- 
vivors of that distinguished corps. They form the living and bril- 
liant link which connects that generation of lawyers with the present. 
It was then the source of the Eoman, Spanish, and French laws 
were extensively explored, and a taste for comparative Jurisprudence 
was created for the first time in the United States. The principles 
of the common, the customary, and the Roman laws were invoked 
together, and placed in juxtaposition. The illustrious writers on 



HON. FRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 31 

Jurisprudence of the 16th. century in France, Spain, Italy, and Ger- 
many were consulted and compared. The most antiquated of the 
Gothic Codes were studied, not as monuments of literary curiosity, 
but as fragments of preexisting systems of human laws, originating 
either with the Romans or their barbarian conquerors. The whole of 
these various and often discordant materials were fused into one mass, 
and the Court left to select such principles as appeared most consonant 
with the general scope and enactments of the Codes. Whoever has 
read the first twenty-five volumes of our Reports cannot fail to have 
observed what vast stores of legal erudition were brought to light in 
the discussion of leading cases, and how much the range has been 
narrowed since our jurisprudence has become better settled, under the 
more full and explicit text of the new Code. 

It is thus we have witnessed the formation, even its process of 
crystallization, as it were, of the existing Jurisprudence of Louisiana.* 

* The jurisprudence of Louisiana is a mixture of the Roman, French, and 
Spanish law, tinctured with no inconsiderable portion of the common law of 
England, as understood and expounded in the sister States of the Union, espe- 
cially in criminal and commercial matters. These different elements of law 
are, however, blended in so confused a manner, that it is often extremely difficult 
to trace the lines of demarcation, or to determine what the law is on any given 
subject. 

When the province of Louisiana was transferred to the United States, the 
colonial laws of Spain did, at least to a certain extent, govern the country, al- 
though in point of fact, beyond the precincts of the capital, the military posts 
scattered far apart over its immense territory, and the settlements contiguous to 
and dependent on them, there were neither judges, nor any regular adminis- 
tration of justice. 

The indolent, arbitrary, and yet paternal government of Spain felt really lit- 
tle interest jn the prosperity of the colony, from which it derived no revenue, 
and which it had acquired and preserved, rather with a view of debarring all 
foreign access to New Spain, than from any desire of enriching itself by the 
productions of the soil, or to profit by the exhaustless resources of the country, 
which the industry and enterprise of its present possessors have so successfully 
explored. Spain, nevertheless, with its habitual love of display, had established 
a colonial government, surrounded with the insignia of royalty, and having an 
administrative hierarchy dependent on it, which, though of little practical utility, 
and attended with much useless expense, still gave to the whole a semblance of 
power and regularity, which was sufficient, under ordinary circumstances, to in- 
spire respect on the part of the colonists. 

When the United States had acquired possession of Louisiana, this form of 
government necessarily disappeared, and the new one introduced was framed 
with the simplicity and economy suited to republican habits and institutions. 

Changes in the legislation, as well as in the administration of the laws of 
the country, became of course indispensable j but they were made with great 



32 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

Its ingredients are derived from various sources, and after being fil- 
tered through numerous codes, meet in one harmonious mass. The 

caution, and care was taken neither to shock received opinions, nor to change 
abruptly institutions which had the sanction of long usage', and to which the 
inhabitants had become attached. Notwithstanding all these precautions, 
murmurs and discontents were often heard shortly after the cession of the 
colony, which the firm and conciliating conduct of Congress and of Mr. Jefferson 
soon succeeded in appeasing, and wliich a few years of increasing prosperity 
wholly effaced. 

In the meantime, the territory of Orleans was severed from the rest of the 
ancient French colony of Louisiana, and erected into a distinct portion of the 
Union, the executive department of which was under the direction of a governor, 
the legislative in the hands of a council, and the judiciary under the direction of 
three judges, elected every four years, and certain inferior magistrates. 

The highest court of judicature, called the Superior Court of the territory of 
Orleans, was composed of three judges, of which one constituted a quorum, 
and was invested with original and appellate jurisdiction in criminal and civil 
causes. 

The criminal law, which had governed Louisiana prior to its transfer, was 
entirely abolished, and in its place were substituted certain penal statutes pro- 
viding for the punishment of offences, which they did not define, but left the 
definitions to be sought for at common law, in reference to which all future 
criminal proceedings were to be conducted. 

Civil suits were brought by petition, and the practice was simple. 

In relation to the civil jurisprudence of the country, the necessity was imme- 
diately felt of reducing it to some sort of order, to enable those who had been 
appointed to govern, as well as to judge, to know what it was, a fact of which, 
at the time of their appointment, they were profoundly ignorant. The legis- 
lative council, having made a vain attempt to "p7-ocure a civil and criminal code 
for the " territory," to use the language of Judge Martin, the first territorial 
legislature appointed, in the year 1806, Messrs. James Brown and Moreau Lis- 
iet, two members of the bar, to prepare a digest of the laws in force in the ter- 
ritory. These gentlemen, having finished the task imposed on them in 1808, 
reported " a Digest of the civil laws now in force in the Territory of Orleans, 
with alterations and amendments, adapted to the present form of government," 
which was adopted by the Legislature, and constitutes what is at present called 
the old Civil Code. 

The gentlemen thus appointed to prepare a digest of the laws in force in 
Louisiana, instead of looking to the Spanish colonial law, and consulting exclu- 
sively the Partidas and the Recopilacion de las Itidias, &c., as they surely would 
have done bad the Spanish law alone been in force, transcribed literally, and 
incorporated into their Digest large portions of the ^ro;V< of the Code Napoleon. 
The reasons assigned for this by Judge Martin is, that no copy of the Code Napo- 
leon, although promulgated in 1804, had as yet reached New Orleans. The 
same learned, and we must add, accurate writer, in all which concerns cotem- 
poraneous events, speaks of this conduct on the part of the compilers of the 
Digest as praiseworthy, adding that, "although the project is necessarily much 



HON. FRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 33 

protection of wives, incautiously engaged for the contracts of their 
husbands, rests upon a Roman Senatus Consultum — their ultimate 
rights in the property acquired during the marriage, upon the cus- 
toms of the erratic tribes that overrun Gaul, and were carried by the 
Visigoths across the Pyrenees. The wisdom of Alphonso is found 
infused into many of the institutions which owe their origin to Al- 
fred the Great. The common law has paid back a part of what it 
had borrowed from the Roman Jurisprudence. The commercial law, 
standing out almost independently of the Code, rests in a great mea- 

more imperfect than the Code, it was far superior to anything tliat any two in- 
dividuals could have produced early enough to answer the expectations of 
those who employed them." 

Judge Martin says — " The Fuero Viejo, Fuero Jnzgo, Partidas, Recopilaciones, 
Leyes de las Indias, Autos Acordados, and Royal Schedules remained part of the 
written law of the territory, when not repealed expressly, or by a necessary 
implication." And he adds :— 

" Of these musty laws the copies were extremely rare ; a complete collection 
of them was in the hands of no one, and of very many of them not a single 
copy existed in the province." 

" To explain them, Spanish commentators were consulted, and the Corpus 
Juris Civilis, and its own commentators were resorted to, and to eke out any 
deficiency, the lawyers, who came from France or Hispaniola, read Poihier 
D'Aguesseau, Dumoulin," &c. 

The result of the labors of Messrs. Brown and Moreau Lislet was a Digest, 
containing upwards of 500 pages, printed in English and French, and divided 
into three books, of which the first treats of persons; the second of things or 
estates ; and the third of the different manner of acquiring the property of 
things. Each book is subdivided into titles, and each title into chapters and 
articles. This Digest is the groundwork of the Civil Code actually in force in 
Louisiana, from which it does not differ very essentially. 

Louisiana having become a State in 1812, organized in 1813 a Supreme Court, 
composed of three judges, which, in conformity with the 2d section of the 4th 
article of the Constitution of the State, had " appellate jurisdiction only, which 
Jurisdiction shall extend to all civil cases, when the matter in dispute shall exceed the 
sum of three hundred dollars." It is from this period that the jurisprudence of 
the State began to assume some definite form, and to extend itself so as to em- 
brace the numerous controversies which soon arose among an intelligent, com- 
mercial, and litigious population. 

The Supreme Court thus formed and constituted, had most arduous and dif- 
ficult duties to perform — duties which required, besides the patience, learning 
and integrity always requisite to discharge the functions of a judge, incessant and 
laborious researches into the ancient jurisprudence of Rome, France and Spain, 
joined to a thorough knowledge of constitutional law, and an intimate acquaint- 
ance with the habits and wants of the people, on whom the decisions were to 
operate. 

4 



34 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

sure upon the usages of commercial States, but more especially of tte 
United States and Great Britain, but slightly modified by positive 
local legislation. The whole body of our law thus forms a system, 
most admired by those who understand it best, and who can trace 
back its principles to the sources from which they originally flowed. 
Of the spring-heads of our law it may be said, as it has been of the 
waters of Castalia : 

" There shallow drafts intoxicate the brain, 
But drinking deeply sobers us again." 

If I might be allowed to enlarge still further upon this interesting 
topic, I would say that the same process of the formations of laws has 
been going on in all ages, and in every region within the range of 
history. Conquest, and commerce, and the migration and intermin- 
gling of races have everywhere brought about changes of laws. The 
oracular obscurities of the twelve tables were brought by the Decem- 
virs from Greece. At a later period, the same laws, developed and 
improved, were disseminated everywhere by the victorious legions of 
the Republic. They became mingled with local usages, which were 
respected by the conquerors. The migratory Germanic tribes carried 
with them their customs, which acquired the force of laws — and hence 
many of the different customs and /^eros which prevailed in France 
and in Spain. The Norman conquest introduced into England many 
of the customs of that province, and the law itself was administered 
by Normans in Norman French. Hence we may trace to the cus- 
toms of Normandy the widow's third, and other peculiarities of the 
English Law. The Military Feudality of the middle ages upset the 
whole system of land titles and tenures, and established that relation 
of lord and vassal, a fruitful source of innumerable laws and customs. 
In Rome, not only the edicts of the Prastor often modified the exist- 
ing laws, but the wildest decrees of the plebeian order were respected, 
even under the reign of the Ceesars. The Saracen conquest of Spain 
left indelible impressions on the laws and institutions of the peninsula, 
and the Alcalde of the present day derives his name from and exer- 
cises similar functions to those of the Cadis of Bagdad. Even 
among ourselves, local usages, and the usages of trade are referred to 
in order to aid in the construction of local contracts. Law is not, then, 
always the solemn expression of Legislative will. The whole doctrine 
of Bills of Exchange originated in, and is based upon, the customs 
of merchants, and the Maritime Law upon the practice of States and 
Towns engaged in navigation and trade. The customs of Paris be- 



HON. FRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 35 

came the law of Louisiana by the charter of Crozat, and were swept 
away in their turn by the ordinance of O'Reilly. Indeed, the inter- 
nal history of the law — that is to say, a history of its different ele- 
ments, tracing them from their origin through the successive and often 
insensible modifications to their amalgamation as they are now found, 
combined and harmonizing together — such an analysis, I say, consti- 
tuting the chemistry of legal science, would require almost endless 
research and labor. The same process of fusion and diffusion is still 
going on under the auspices of the great principle of the comity of 
nations. The able and learned works upon most of the branches of 
Jurisprudence by Story and Kent, tend to demonstrate to what ex- 
tent the Roman is blended with the common law, and to what extent 
both have been improved by the mutual infusion of principles. 
Whenever the municipal law has not expressly provided for a parti- 
cular case, a principle in itself reasonable is sometimes adopted from 
a foreign system by the tribunals, and thus becomes at last an element 
of our own Jurisprudence. The whole law of Evidence, with the 
exception of a few elementary principles, is borrowed from the com- 
mon law. The practice of the Federal tribunals, professing to be 
governed by State laws, threatens us with alarming innovations, by 
introducing among us the discretion of a Master in Chancery, to de- 
cide upon important interests, and by their forms of execution 
menacing the overthrow, in favor of foreign creditors, of our equita- 
ble system of distribution of a debtor's effects, and making his pro- 
perty anything but the common pledge of his creditors. How far 
such innovations can be tolerated it is not for me to say. 

I have entered into these details principally with a view of enabling 
you to form a more just estimate of the intricacy of the subject, and 
of the great labor and research required by the Court in the adminis- 
tration of justice under laws so unsettled, and of such various origin 
and discordant materials, and especially to fix the just value of the 
services of Judge Martin, who during that entire period, and even as 
late as 1846, continued to labor with unmitigated zeal and industry, 
combining all the learning required for such a task with a constant 
devotion to public duties. 

He almost always enjoyed a vigorous health, maintained by great 
temperance and daily exercise. His temperance was indeed remark- 
able. Though a native of the country of the vine, he never had 
tasted wine, as he has often assured me, until approaching the age of 
sixty, and then in great moderation, and never in his whole life had 
he tasted ardent spirits of any kind. Being a bachelor, he was un- 



36 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

disturbed by domestic cares and duties. All the powers of his mind 
were devoted to the law, rather as a profound thinker than a great 
reader. He investigated particular subjects deeply, rather than at- 
tempting to keep up by regular reading with the legal erudition of the 
day. He rarely indulged even in a momentary flirtation with the 
Muses, and I have never heard him speak of any other poets than 
Virgil, Horace, and Boileau. With works of imagination his ac- 
quaintance was extremely limited, and he never enjoyed the romantic 
literature of the age, though cotemporary with Sir Walter Scott, 
and the great writers of the French school. The law had no such 
rival in his affections, and all the rays of a vigorous intellect were eon- 
verged to one focus. He enjoyed at the same time a constant serenity 
of mind, and possessed an equanimity at all times, and under all cir- 
cumstances, most remarkable. He was never querulous nor petulant, 
and even in the ardor of debate in consultation with his colleagues 
he possessed the most perfect self-control, and never became angry or 
impatient. It was perhaps on such occasions that he displayed to the 
greatest advantage all the vigor and acuteness of his mind, and the 
resources of his learning. Those who have contended with him best 
know how expert and powerful a wrestler he was — and yet he often 
detected the fallacy of his own reasoning, and convinced himself that 
he had been originally wrong. His great peculiarity was in pushing 
first principles to their most remote, ultimate consequences, let them 
end where they might. His method of reasoning was sometimes emi- 
nently Socratic, and it was necessary in discussions with him to be 
extremely cautious how you admitted his premises. If you answered 
unguardedly a series of questions affirming the remote principle from 
which he started, you ran the risk of finding yourself involved at last 
in a mesh of sophisms, and convicted on your own confessions. It 
often happened that he would return the next day after a protracted 
discussion, and say, " Well, I have consulted my pillow on that ques- 
tion, and after all I believe I was wrong." 

Judge Martin was an agreeable companion. His conversation was 
always amusing and entertaining. He was uniformly calm and quies- 
cent, and never querulous or garrulous, notwithstanding his very ad- 
vanced age and its increasing infirmities. He was sometimes facetious, 
and many of you probably remember the case in which he spoke of 
the violent proceedings of a mob, to tear down a house in order to 
get rid of the obnoxious tenants, as the service of \he frontier writ of 
ejectment. Never disposed to be censorious, he was, when the occa- 
sion required it, inexorable in his denunciation of the fraudulent con- 



HON. ERANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN. 37 

duet of parties litigant before the Court, exposing their turpitude to 
public censure with an unsparing severity. This he could do with 
great propriety and consistency, for he felt the full force of, and him- 
self acted up to the great precepts of the law — " honeste vivere" — 
"alteram non loedere" — " etsuum cuique tribuere." 

Judge Martin' s general health continued in a great measure unim- 
paired to a good old age. He rarely lost a single day in his attend- 
ance at Court, or at the stated times for consultation. But his eye- 
sight began to fail many years ago, and as early as 1836 he became 
so blind as to be no longer capable of writing his opinions, and from 
that period he dictated to an amanuensis. But he bore this great 
privation with remarkable fortitude, and it did not seem to disturb 
the habitual serenity and cheerfulness of his disposition. He con- 
tinued, however, to hope for the restoration of his sight ; consulted 
numerous oculists, but never found but one disposed to attempt an 
operation, and he promised too much, and was distrusted. To the 
last, even at the age of 84, he never exhibited any of the usual marks 
of extreme old age — although his memory was somewhat impaired, 
his reasoning powers were still vigorous ; he had none of the garrulity 
of age, and his existence closed without the usual evening twilight of 
intellect. 

In the summer of 1844, he visited his native France, for the first 
time since he had left there in his youth. He remained in Paris some 
weeks, and his eyes were examined by the ablest oculists of that 
capital. But they declined attempting an operation, it having been well 
ascertained that the case was hopeless — a confirmed gutta serena. He 
returned to Louisiana in the autumn of the same year, and resumed 
his duties on the Bench. 

The long and painful struggle of Judge Martin in his youth against 
poverty exerted a great influence upon his habits and turn of mind 
through life. The accumulation of wealth by constant economy be- 
came habitual with him, at the same time that he was scrupulously 
honest and fair in all his dealings. Indeed, he had always a strong 
and abiding sense of what is just, which showed itself in his conduct, 
both as a man and as a judge. 

His reports form the most useful of his works. They constitute 
the first chart of a coast at that time, in a great measure unexplored 
— and although not complete, and leaving much for his successors 
to supply, yet. they served at least to show the intricacy of ■the 
navigation, and to point out many of its difficulties and dangers. 
Such a publication was a novelty at the time in this State, and the 



38 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

want of it could not have been supplied by the Keports of any other 
State or country. While it tended to produce uniformity of decision 
at home, it made our peculiar jurisprudence better known abroad. 
It exhibited some of its peculiarities and excellencies in such strong 
light that it has contributed in some particulars, and especially that 
part of our system, which guards so effectually the rights of married 
women, to recommend in several of the States the adoption of similar 
provisions. 

There are some strong points of resemblance between Judge Martin 
and Peter Stephen Duponceau, who declined the appointment of Judge 
in the Territory of Orleans, about the time that office was accepted 
by Judge Martin. Both were Frenchmen by birth, and arrived at 
an early period in the United States, and identified themselves with 
the country; both wrote in the English language; both were jurists 
and civilians of eminence ; each gave to the profession a translation 
of a foreign work of great merit — Martin, the Treatise of Pothiers 
on Obligations — Duponceau, that of Binkershcek on Public Law, 
and both contributed to create a taste for such studies. Martin was 
more exclusively a lawyer, although, as we have seen, he published 
two works of History. Duponceau was the more elegant and accom- 
plished scholar, and particularly distinguished as a Philologist, and 
so thoroughly versed in the aboriginal languages of this continent 
as to have jeceived the reward of the French Institute for the best 
essay on that subject. He published also an original Treatise on the 
Constitution of the United States, and another on the Jurisdiction of 
the Federal Courts. The style of Martin was more pointed and 
brief — that of Duponceau more polished and copious. Both wrote 
with great purity in a language which was not their vernacular 
tongue. While Martin was satisfied with usefulness on the Bench, 
Duponceau prosecuted a more extensive line of studies and pursuits, 
and was assiduous and useful, among other things, in his efforts to 
introduce the culture of silk in the United States. Both lived to a 
very advanced age, were respected and honored by the public for the 
purity of their lives, and their profound learning and usefulness, and 
both in turn reflected honor on the land of their adoption. 

A great majority of the most eminent lawyers in the United States 
and in England have passed through the same severe ordeal of early 
poverty. It is a stern but salutary discipline. Few professional 
me'h, who were born to affluence and nurtured in luxury and ease, 
have made a distinguished figure in after life. It is adversity which 
teaches us the importance of relying upon ourselves, and draws out 



HON. FRANCOIS XAVIER MARTIN, 39 

all the energies and resources of the mind. Nothing discourages and 
nothing daunts such men. They feel that time and perseverance will 
not fail to reward their solitary studies, and gratify their long deferred 
hopes of distinction. The lives of such men are without any striking 
events or incidents on which the attention of the biographer is fixed; 
they pursue the even tenor of their way, contented with the cultiva- 
tion of the intellectual powers, and the distinction which their profes- 
sion gives them in society. 

The example of such men is cheering in the highest degree to 
those who are just entering on a professional career. Let them learn 
never to despair. If true to themselves, and devoted to their studies, 
under whatever disadvantages of early fortune they may labor — how- 
ever hard the struggle with want and competition, it will come at last 
— the noblest and purest of all triumphs, that of an innate energy 
of soul over adversity and want and neglect. If their studies are 
commensurate with the almost boundless field of the science to which 
they are devoted, embracing, in the language of Justinian, " divinarum 
atque humanarum rerum notitia — justi atque injusti scientia," they 
are prepared to act a distinguished part in any of the departments of 
public affairs to which they may be called in after life. The profes- 
sion in the United States has always been the high road to honorable 
distinction. Many of those who by their intelligence, influence and 
eloquence prepared the public mind for revolution to resist the en- 
croachments of power, were lawyers who had studied deeply the true 
theory of popular government. They afterwards were lawyers who pre- 
pared and sustained the Declaration of Independence — and especially 
those who devised the admirable Constitution under which we live and 
prosper, and who were among its first expounders. The profession 
here deals not only with private rights, and the controversies between 
man and man — their studies embrace the great relations of the go- 
verned with the gorvernor — they regard public offices as public trusts 
— and discuss freely the limitations of delegated power, and the 
duties and attributes of restricted sovereignty. The lawyer who 
fearlessly and boldly advocates such principles is already half a states- 
man. The profession in this country have always been, and from the 
nature of their studies must always be, the advocates and supporters 
of free government and popular institutions. 

Francois Xavier Martin, let it not be forgotten, was a foreigner by 
birth, and a naturalized citizen of the United States. He was re- 
ceived as a brother — became early identified with the country, and 
had no connection for more than sixty years with the political vicissi- 



40 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Or LOUISIANA. 

tudes of his native land. He was thoroughly American in his feel- 
ings and opinions. Pie was an American lawyer and an American 
magistrate. If strict integrity of life — if a love of truth, for the 
sake of truth and justice- — if a fearless independence and impartiality 
in the discharge of public duties — if a profound knowledge of law 
and the most exemplary devotion to duty during a long life consti- 
tute the elements of greatness, surely he may well be pronounced 
great. 

What a commentary this upon the liberal institutions of this wide- 
spread Republic, and the generous spirit of a vast majority of its 
citizens ! It opens wide its arms to receive and cherish all those who, 
driven by political calamities, or impelled by a hope of ameliorating 
their condition in life, are wafted to our shores. They bring with 
them the arts and industry and learning of their country. It matters 
not what may have been the land of their nativity — it matters not 
what may have been their condition in early life — it matters not what 
may have been the religion of their fathers or their own, or in what 
language their first thoughts may have been uttered — they are wel- 
comed as men and as brothers — they become gradually assimilated to 
the common mass of citizens, and their origin is perhaps forgotten in 
a second generation. We become one in feeling — one in opinion, and 
participators in and contributors to the common renown of our great 
Republic. The Bar of New Orleans, at whose request I appear be- 
fore you, is at this moment composed of men who were born in most 
of the polished nations of the globe — France, Germany, Belgium, 
England, the United States, Ireland, and Sweden. They all contri- 
bute to the stock of learning for which the Bar is so eminently dis- 
tinguished. In proportion as our country spreads itself, wider and 
wider, by the peaceful conquests of civilization, those who take refuge 
here from other countries, forgetting their native land for that of 
their choice, enjoy its blessings and advantages in tjommon with native 
citizens ; and if a frenzy for foreign conquest by arms should seiae us, 
it may be pleaded at least as an excuse for us that we are influenced 
by no selfish and narrow views ; but those conquests will extend still 
further the influence of free institutions, and furnish a refuge and a 
home for the oppressed of other lands. It is thus our government is 
destined to illustrate the noble thought of a living poet : 

" Man is one ; 
And he hath one great heart. It is thus we feel, 
With a gigantic throb athwart the sea, 
Each other's rights and wrongs jthus are we men." — Fes-tus. 



AN 

ANALYTICAL INDEX 

OF THE 

WHOLE OF THE PUBLIC DOCUMENTS 

RELATIVE TO 

LOUISIANA, 

DEPOSITED IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE DEPARTMENT 

"DE LA MARINE ET DES COLOMES" 

ET 

^'BIBLIOTHEQUE DU ROI" 
AT PAKIS. 

BY EDMUND J. FORSTALL. 



AN 



ANALYTICAL INDEX, & 



PORTFOLIO NO. I. 



1st. Remarks on the province of Louisiana, 5tli August, 1751 — 
depth of water at the Balize 14 feet — war with Indians — mode of 
warfare required : detachment from the main body, always within 
reach of assistance, and the main body always within reach of sup- 
plies, &c. 

2d. 1716, 11th February — memorial of the regency council — ad- 
vantages of New Orleans developed — proximity to Vera Cruz and 
Havana — river courses and latent wealth of the interior — fertility of 
the soil, favorable to tobacco, rice, and cacao — only issue to the Gulf 
of Mexico — party of twenty Canadians exploring the Red River — 
voyage performed in three months — their visit to the province of 
Leon in Mexico — copper mines discovered — iron, lead, gold and sil- 
ver found in abundance — plan of colonization presented — this me- 
morial is signed by L. A. de Bourbon and the Marshall d'Estrees, 
and is approved by the " conseil de Regence." 

3d. Statistical account by Mr. de Kerlerec of the Indians inhabit- 
ing the Mississippi and the Missouri — prospects of the colony — this 
report is signed Kerlerec, 12th December, 1758. 

4th. 1712 — memorial respecting the situation of Louisiana — pro- 
ject to deepen the pass from the river to the lake Maurepas, from 
Tunicas, about seventy-three leagues from New Orleans, by cutting a 
point of land — pirogues are stated as being then in communication with 
the lakes through that pass. This memorial is signed " Dartagnette." 

5th. 1712-1726 — laws and ordinances relative to Louisiana. 



44 HISTOKICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISLA.NA. 

6tli. History of the irruptions of the North Americans upon the 
lands of Louisiana. This document is signed by "Villars, Favre 
Daunoy," April, 1778. 

7th. Account of the death of Lasalle. 

8th. 1680 — memorial explaining the reasons which led France in 
1680, to undertake the colonization of the country north of the Gulf 
of Mexico. This memorial is signed by " De la Boulay." 

9th. 1725 — questions propounded to Mr. de la Chaise by the 
" Compagnie des Indes" — and his answers thereto. 

10th. 1740 — memoir of the Engineer Duverges recommending cer- 
tain works at the Balize. 

11th. 1748 — Letter from Mr. de Vaudreuil respecting the Balize 
— depth of the water at one of the passes 18 feet. 

12th. Letter to the French minister respecting wax from a certain 
tree, 1748. 

13th. 7, Dec. 1759 — Letter to the French minister from Mr. de 
Kichemore, recommending two financial plans. 

14th. Letter from Mr. de Richemore to ministers, containing an 
account of all the officers and cadets in service. 

15th. April, 1764 — memorial from Mr. Brand, praying for an ex- 
clusive privilege to establish a printing office in New Orleans. 

16th. April, 1764— letter from Mr. d'Abaddie to the Duke of 
Choiseul, showing the advantages of the colony — speaking of the first 
experiments in the culture of the cane, and forwarding samples of 
sugars from the estate of Chevalier de Masan. 

17th. June, 1764 — letter from the same, complaining of the de- 
moralization produced by the circulation of depreciated paper, and the 
immoderate use of ardent spirits, even by the higher class of society. 

18th. Memorial of the merchants of New Orleans to Mr. d'Abad- 
die, " Directeur General Commandant la Province de la Louisiana." 

19th. 4th Dec. 1768— letter from Gov. XJlloa to the Marquis de 
Grimaldi, announcing the revolution in Louisiana — his expulsion and 
his arrival at Havana. 

20th. Statement by Gov. Ulloa of the events in Louisiana — a 
document containing about 300 hundred pages, very full and very 
well drawn up ; whereby it is clearly demonstrated that Aubry in the 
whole matter was the principal informer. That the plan was not for 
the purpose of remaining under a kingly dominion, but that the end 
was freedom — that for that purpose Messrs. Noyan and Masan were 
deputed to the English Governor of Florida, then residing at Pensa- 
cola, for the purpose of securing the protection of the British Govern- 



PORTrOLIO NO. I. 45 

ment in behalf of the intended Kepuhlie. That the Governor of 
Florida having refused all aid, the address to France was resorted to 
by the rebels as the means of concealing their plan. That the lead- 
ers were Mr. de Lafreniere, a Creole, Mr. Foucault, Mr. Villere, bro- 
ther-in-law of Lafreni^re; Mr. Heri, Messrs. Noyan, Verret, Marquis; 
four brothers, Le Koy, who have since assumed the name of Lafre- 
ni^re ; Lere, Banlieu and Chauvain, Judice, de Lery, Darimsbourg, 
Hardi de Boisblanc, Thomassin, Fleurian, Cabare, Ducros and Millet 
— that their place of meeting was at a Mad. Pradel's, near the city of 
New Orleans, where they collected to the number of 500. The plan 
embraced the whole of Louisiana. This document is full of interest, 
and shows the cause of the lukewarmness of the French Government 
in the whole matter. The whole statement of Gov. Ulloa is corrobo- 
rated by the French Gov. Aubry, who it appears, with the French 
troops under his command, was treated as an enemy as well as Ulloa. 
Thus Lafreniere, his brother-in-law Villere, Marquis, and their asso- 
ciates, died victims of their love for liberty, and not of their love for 
France, as generally believed. 

21st. Memorial of the inhabitants and merchants of Louisiana to 
the King of France, explaining the causes which led to the expulsion 
of Ulloa. This document, penned by Lafreniere, was drawn up it ap- 
pears after the failure of the application to the British Government 
for protection, on the standard of liberty being raised — it is couched 
in fine language, contains valuable statistical information, and shows 
that Louisiana in its infancy contained talented men and noble souls. 

22d. Letter from the Marquis de Grimaldi to the Count of Fuentes, 
then Ambassador to the Court of France, giving an account of a 
council of state, wherein the whole matter of the Louisiana Rebellion 
is taken up — the council having with only one dissenting voice decided 
to consider Louisiana as a Spanish possession. The Marquis announces 
the appointment of Gen. O'Reilly with extraordinary powers, modi- 
fied, however, by the King of Spain, so as confine to expulsion all 
cases deserving greater punishment. The Ambassador in the same 
letter is desired to demand of the King of France to disapprove the 
conduct of his subjects in Louisiana.* 

23d. Letter from Aubry to the Duke of Choiseul, wherein he tries 
to show that to France Louisiana can be of no advantage — and that 

* The ministers who met to decide upon the fate of Louisiana, after the ex- 
pulsion of Ulloa, were the Dukes d'Alba, Munian, the Counts d'Aranda, Mas- 
quir, Arriega, and the Marquis de Grimalda. 



46 HISTORTCAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

to Spain it can be of no other advantage than to protect its Mexican 
possessions against smuggling. This letter hears date 1768. 

24th. Letter from the same to the same, bearing date 24th August, 
1769 — referring to his former accounts of the doings of the rebels 
from 29th Oct. 1768, to 20th May, 1769— confirming all the state- 
ments of Ulloa — he announces the arrival, at a moment when he con- 
sidered all lost, of a liberator, Gren. O'Reilly, with 3000 troops — he 
gives an account of the transfer of the government to that general — 
he appears then to have considered the whole matter as ended, and 
that the past would have been forgotten — the leaders having by his 
advice quietly submitted. 

25th. 1765 — 16th Nov. Decree prohibiting the introduction of 
slaves from Martinique, on account of their propensity to poisoning. 

26th. 1766, 29th Sept. — letter from Aubry and Foucault, notify- 
ing the refusal of the French troops to enter into the service of Spain. 

27th. 1716 — letter from Mr. Duclos to the French minister rela- 
tive to Natchez. 

28th. No date — finances of Louisiana — first account of the intro- 
duction of government paper money in Louisiana by Ordinance of the 
King of France, bearing date 14th Sept. 1735 — amount issued 200,000 
livres. The reasons alleged for this issue are the same which were 
given by some of our modern financiers, to justify their application to 
the Bank of the United States for their depreciated paper, to enable 
the New Orleans banks to resume specie payment. At that epoch 
the King of France was a merchant, had public stores, and the circu- 
lation of his paper money was to have been obtained by its being made 
legal tender for all goods purchased from the public stores. This 
document is not dated, and appears to have been written in 1744-5. 

29th. No date — opinion of Messrs. Bienville and Salmon regard- 
ing the emission of paper money, which they recommend. 

30th. Statistics of the Indian nations from Mobile to Carolina — 
plan presented to secure the trade then carrying on between the In- 
dians and Carolina. This document is without date, and appears to 
have been drawn up under the administration of Grov. de Kerlerec. 

31st. 1740 — Muster roll of all the officers and cadets in Louisiana. 

o2d. 1710, 13th May— instruction of the King of France to Mr. 
De la Mothe Cadillac, as Grovernor of Louisiana. This document 
shows the great difficulties the first inhabitants had to labor under. 

33d. 1743, 21st July — letter from Yaudreuil Salmon, touching 
the wax-tree. 

34th. Memorial of Dr. Brat on the same subject. 



PORTrOLIO NO. I. 47 

o5tli. Memorial on Natchitoches. This document is interesting ; 
that country is there represented as favorable to all the agricultural 
products of Em-ope, and to cotton, tobacco, &c. It bears no date, and 
appears to have been drawn up by Mr. St. Denis. 

36th. 1765 — report of the arrival of 193 Acadians sent to Ope- 
lousas. 

37th. 1764, 7th June — memorial of the merchants of New Orleans 
to Mr. d'Abbadie, depicting the wretched condition of the colony 
produced by depreciated paper money. This document contains a 
practical refutation of the credit system as eulogized by our present 
chamber of commerce in their pamphlet entitled " Credit System." 
It shows the demoralizing effects produced by the shadow being mis- 
taken for the substance. 

38th. 1764, 10th April— letter to Mr. d'Abaddie, respecting 3000 
Indians collected in Mobile — the advantages of the colony, and the 
progress in the manufacture of sugar- 

39th. 1764— letter from Mr. d'Abaddie to the Duke of Choiseul 
announcing the establishment at Lafourche Chetimaches, of about 
200 Indians from Mobile — the Teansas. 

40th. 1704 — statistics of the colony — population including the 
garrison, 180 men. 

27 families — 3 girls and 7 boys from 1 to 10 years. 

80 houses covered with lataniers, laid out in straight streets. 

190 acres land cleared for the building of the city. 

9 oxen, of which 5 belong to the King. 

14 cows. 

4 bulls belonging to the King. This document is signed "Lasalle." 

41st. 1702 — letter from De Lasalle, announcing his arrival at Pen- 
sacola and Mobile. This document is interesting. 

42d. 1702, 11th Dec. — letter from De Lasalle to the minister, 
stating that he has been compelled to dispatch a vessel to Vera Cruz 
to inform the Viceroy of Mexico of the siege of St. Augustine by 
the English and Indians, with 16 ships. 

Pensacola appears to have been founded four years after the disco- 
very of Louisiana. 

43d. 1729-36 — history of the wars in Louisiana — Dartaguette was 
killed in battle with the Indians. 



48 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 



PORTFOLIO NO. II. 

44th. 1769 — remarks of Mr. Aubry on tlie rebellion in Louisiana. 

45th. Memorial on the finances of Louisiana posterior to 1731. 

46th. 1697, 14th Oct. — Quebec, letter touching information re- 
quired about the Spanish possessions in Mexico bordering the tribu- 
taries of the Mississippi : this document is interesting ; it speaks of 
Lasalle, and presents some remarks on the mines. 

47th, 26th July — Dartaguette in Louisiana speaks of the inunda- 
tion by the Mississippi; its waters having risen to the garrets of houses 
in New Orleans. 

48th. 22d February, 1759 — survey of the domains of the King 
adjoining Mrs. Pradel's plantation. 

49th. 1748, 21st May — memorial of Mr. Grradesfils in Louisiana, 
showing the great advantages of that colony. 

50th. Project of colonization for Louisiana, demand of a large 
tract of land on condition of its being cultivated in tobacco, cotton, 
sugar-cane and indigo. This project, drawn up in Versailles, bears 
no date. 

51st. 1717 — ^memorial of Mr. Hubert on Louisiana, attempting to 
show that the colonization of that country, if energetically pursued, 
would gradually lead to the conquest of the whole of North America. 

52d. Memorial to show that Louisiana might become as important 
as Mexico. 

53d. 1719 — memorial of Mr. Bienville announcing the fall of Pen- 
•sacola into his hands, and the events ensuing the same. 

54th. 1738 — insignificant letter respecting the Jesuits. 

55th. 1754, 20th Sept.— letter from Mr. de Kerlerec to Dauber- 
ville, on the necessity of military station at the Balize. This letter 
contains an interesting account of the mouth of the river, and a pro- 
posal to establish there a floating battery with heavy guns. 

56th. Statement of occurrences in Biloxi. 

57th. Project to restore confidence in Louisiana destroyed by irre- 
deemable paper money ; proposal to make the King's paper legal ten- 
der ; form of an edict. This document must have been written some 
time about 1754. 

58th. Memorial on Louisiana, representing the necessity of retain- 
ing that colony, in order to prevent the English becoming masters of 
not only the whole of North America, but also of Mexico. By this 



PORTFOLIO NO. II. 49 

document it appears that Mr. St. Denis beaded the 20 Canadians on 
the exploring expedition from the Red River to the province of 
Leon in Mexico ; it appears to have been written about the year 
1715. 

59th. Memorial on the same subject at the same epoch. 

60th. do. do. 

61st. 1692, 14th Sept. — account of the attack by five 60 gun ves- 
sels of the Fort Louis in Louisiana, under the command of Mr. de 
Bouillon, Grovernor of Newfoundland. 

62d. 1700 — memorial for the colonization of the Mississippi. 

63d. List of the officers under the command of Dartaguette, and 
in Louisiana. 

64th. 1749, 17th Dec. — memorial of Mr. Le Bailly Messager, on 
Louisiana. This document is interesting ; a central power is proposed 
to be established on the Wabash — fertility of the soil, &c. 

65th. 1750 — memorial of the same, on the same subject. 

66th. 1754, 6th March — memorial on Louisiana; by Mr. Colom, 
to increase the commerce of Louisiana with the Islands and the me- 
tropolis ; the plan embraces the whole of the basin of the Mississippi, 
and is interesting. 

67th. No date — report of three commissioners touching an inter- 
view with the Grovernor of Pensacola, de Gralve, for the purpose of de- 
vising the means to prevent the English taking possession of that post. 
Determination on the part of the Grovernor of Pensacola to rely upon 
the Bull of Pope Alexander the VI., conceding the line 180 to the 
Catholic Kings, the power of the Pope to grant crowns repudiated by 
the commissions. This document is curious, and appears to have been 
written in 1700. 

68th. 1709 — observations on the Bull of Pope Alexander; de- 
velopment of the immense advantages to be derived by France from 
the possession of Louisiana. 

69th. 1701, 17th July — memorial on Louisiana; advice to the 
King as to the measures to be adopted for its welfare. 

70th. 1709, 27th April — memorial on Louisiana; situation of the 
colony. 

71st. 1712, June — memorial of Mr. Tions de Grouville, on the ad- 
vantages of Louisiana, and the causes which have checked all progress 
in that country. 

72d. No date — memorial on fortifications required. 

73d. 1738, 10th May — Hubert's memorial on Louisiana. This 
document is very interesting for its statistical information. 
5 



50 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

74tli. 1714 — memorial to show the necessity of inviting emigration 
to Louisiana. This document is interesting, and contains extracts of 
letters from Crozat. 

75th. 1716 — great and masterly development of the destinies of 
Louisiana. 

76th. 1714, 17th April — memorial on the wretched condition of 
the colony. 

77th. 1716 — a memorial is to be found on Louisiana after Lasalle's 
discovery, in the registers of the navy department, 8 /., 123 vo. 
(This is a memorandum in this portfolio.) 

78th. 1720 — memorial on the fortifications of Pensacola, and of 
the impossibility on account of the nature of the soil to establish good 
foundations. 

79th. 1723 — letter and memorial of Mr. Hubert on the advantages 
of Louisiana. 

80th. 1753 — prohibition by the Marquis Duquesne against the ex- 
portation of grain ftom Canada ; he styles himself Grovernor of " la 
Nouvelle France, and of all the lands and countries of Louisiana." 

81st. 1755 — Quebec, Canada, proces verbal of a voyage to the 
river Senaramixi. 

82d. 1751, Tombeckbe, 18th June — letter announcing the capture 
of five deserters ; speeches of the Indians who brought them back, to 
obtain their pardon. 

83d. 1787 — extract of a letter from Mr. de Villiers on the sub- 
ject of a tobacco contract with the King of Spain. 

84th. Canada, 1753 — ordinance of the Marquis Duquesne, fixing 
the maximum of wheat to 3 livres per minot on plantations, and 3 
livres 10 sols in town. 

85th. 1716 — memorial of Mr. Crozat on Louisiana, important de- 
velopments. 

86th. 1751, 15th July — accusation of Mr. Michel against Mr. 
Fleurian, procureur-general, and Captain Derneville. 

87th. No date — memorial explanatory of patent letters proposed to 
the King. 

88th. 1769 — grievances against G-overnor UUoa and Aubry. The 
document is not signed. 

89th. 1745 — interesting memorial on the administration of Louis- 
iana. By this document it appears that the Ursulines are bound to at- 
tend to the hospital, and to educate 30 orphan girls. 

90th. 1716 — letters patent projected for Louisiana. 



PORTFOLIO NO. II. 51 

91st. 1662 — memorials respecting the doings of the West India 
Company ; forms of concessions. 

92d. 1723 — memorial on the rivers, lands and Indians of Missouri. 
This document is interesting, and shows that there was a traffic then 
carrying on between Missouri and Mexico. 

93d. No date — memorial for a concession of lands from Manchac 
to New Orleans. 

94th. No date — memorial on the subject of Father Beaubois, supe- 
rior of the " Missionnaires Jesuites" in Louisiana. This document ap- 
pears to have been addressed to Governor Bienville. 

95th. 1738 — memorial of Governor Bienville, touching his intended 
operations against the Chicachas. 

96th. 1735 — opinion of Mr. Bienville in case of war. 

97th. 1735, 25th August — Mr. Bienville sends an account on 
Georgia ; of their system of colonization, &c. This document is in- 
teresting. 

98th. 1735, 20th Sept.— Mr. de Bienville on the Chicachas. 

99th. 1735, 14th April— Mr. de Bienville on the Indians. 

100th. 1739, 25th March— do. do. 

101st. No date — report on the necessity of separating the govern- 
ment of Louisiana from that of Canada, to which under the West 
India Company it was attached. This document was evidently written 
in 1731 J recommends a new organization. 

102d. 1731, 25th March — Mr. Paria advises the minister of the 
defeat of the Eenards, by the Illinois and other Indians living on the 
borders of Canada ; he enters into some details respecting Indian war- 
fare. Speaks of one of the passes at the Balize having 17 feet water, 
which shortly before had only 12 ; is of opinion that two vessels em- 
ployed three months each year, say April, May and June, would give 
22 feet on the bar. Speaks of a report by him on the Balize which 
I have not yet found. This document is very interesting. 

103d. 20th August — account of the Natchez war, by Mr. D'Iron, 
1731. 

104th. 1735 — Mr. de Bienville on Louisiana in case of war; its 
relation with the Indians. 

105th. 1737, 20th Dec. — Mr. Bienville's report of two expeditions 
of the Chactaws against the Chicachas. 

106th. 1738, 13th August — Mr. Bienville's report of deserters 
brought back by the Alibamous. 

107th. 1738, 26th April — Mr. Bienville's report on the interior of 
Illinois and Ohio, and of the Indians there. 



52 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

lOStli. 1738, 22d March— Mr. Bienville's report of an exploring 
voyage to the river Jachoux (Yazoo), details on those countries ; dis- 
covery of the Chicachas road which led to the voyage. 

109th. 1738, 29th May— Mr. Bienville's report of the voyage of 
exploration on the Wabash ; interesting account of the adjoining 
country. 

110th. 1702, 20th June— memorial of Mr. d'Iberville on the Mis- 
sissippi, the Mobile, and surrounding countries; their inhabitants, 
latitudes of many places taken by him ; statistics of all the Indian 
nations, including the Illinois and Ohio. He states the number of 
families at 21,860 ; plan of action proposed. This document is ably 
drawn up and full of interest ; it bears the signature of Mr. d'Iber- 
ville. 

111th. 1708, 25th Feb. — memorial of Mr. Dartaguette, giving an 
account of the information received by him from J^ir. Demny of the 
fort of Louisiana; statistical report on Mobile. 

112th. Letter from Bienville, with a full account of the doings in 
Mobile and Louisiana; represents the country in a state of great 
poverty ; contains interesting information on the Indians and the 
English. 

113th. 1731 — letter from Mr. de St. Denis to Mr. Salmon, giving 
an account of a battle with the Indians. 

114th. 1763 — evacuation of Louisiana. It is proposed to send to 
St. Domingo the troops in Louisiana ; this plan is approved. 

115th. 13 Fructidor An 10, General Milford Tastanagy proposes 
to answer the application made by the American minister for the pur- 
chase of Louisiana ; Greneral Milford promises to prove to the first 
consul that a cession would be fatal to France. 

116th. 1747, Feb. — Governor Vaudreuil states his preparations in 
case of attack by the English ; sends a plan of the mouth of the Mis- 
sissippi (not yet found) ; says that the bar at the Balize contains 11 
or 12 feet, mud and sandy bottom, and 15, 16 and 17 feet on the 
eastern pass, and a shorter bar. 

117th. 1712, 8th Sept. — memorial to prevent debauchery (liber- 
tinage) in Louisiana. 

118th. 1762, 13th Nov. — cession of Louisiana to Spain ; ratification 
by the King of Spain. 

119th. Questions by General Victor to the First Consul regarding 
Louisiana and his answers. 

120th. 1753 — Mr. de Kerlerec, suit of Andr^ Barri. 

121st. 1701 — memorial of Mr. d'Iberville on Pensacola. 



PORTFOLIO NO. II. 53 

122d. 1703 — project to take Charleston and to burn it. 

123d. 1750, 1st Feb.— letter of Pierre Rigaut, Marquis de Yau- 
dreuil, informing the King of the necessity he had been under of is- 
suing paper money. 

124th. Memorandum to show in what light the West India Com- 
pany ought to have been considered by the French Government. 

125th. No date — memorial of the West India Company. 

126th. 1685 — memorial of the West India Company. 

127th. 1753, 8th March — Mr. Kerlerec announcing his arrival in 
Louisiana, he gives an account of his reception, and some statistical 
details. 

128th. 1770, 16th June — memorial of Mr. Eobe; Ordonnaieur 
of Louisiana. 

129th. 1715 — instructions of the King to Messrs. Lamothe, Ca- 
dillac and Duclos, Grovernor and Ordonnateur of Louisiana. 

130th. 1752 — three tables to carry on the official correspondence 
between the colony and its metropolis by the means of ciphers, and 
the key for the same. 

No. 520 St. Yago; No. 530 lui; No. 540 ab; No. 550 Croix; 
No 460 beau; 400 Canada, &c. 

131st. 1732, 9th May — proces verhal of Messrs. Perrier and Sal- 
mon respecting the arrival of 146 Swiss soldiers. 

132d. 1760, 2d June — result of the sitting at the government 
house respecting certain works to be undertaken. 

133d. 1707, 22d June — proposals of Mr. le Count de Ponchartrain 
for the formation of a Company in Louisiana. 

134th. 1733 — Mr. de Bienville announces his arrival at the Cape 
Francois; hopes to be in New Orleans 30 days after. 

135th. 1732, 12th May — letter from Mr. Salmon touching the con- 
dition of Louisiana and Mobile. 

136th. 1715 — extract of a letter written at Caskasias, a village in 
Illinois, sometimes called Tlmmaculee conception de la Ste. Yierge, 
dated 9th Nov. 1712, by Father Grabriel Marest, a Jesuit residing 
since several years in that country as a missionary. This letter was 
printed in 1715 in the " Lettres edifiantes ;" it is full of interest, and 
contains great statistical information. 

137th. 1761, 12th Dec— letter of Mr. Thiton de Sileque in behalf 
of Mr. de Kerlerec, stating his services for the King. 

138th. No date — picture of the troubles in Louisiana, and of the 
demoralization occasioned by paper money ; plan to restore confidence ; 
means recommended ; " to coerce forthwith the withdrawal of paper 



54 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

money and its payment in full." This document appears to have been 
written in 1760. 

No date — Mr. de Kerlerec asks the cordon rouge and sends his 
" feuille de service." 

139th. No date — remarks on the commerce of Louisiana and its ces- 
sion to Spain. This document must have been written in 1770. 

140th. 1764, May — memorial of JMr. de Kerlerec on the advan- 
tages of a commercial treaty with Spain, with a view of establishing 
an entrepot in New Orleans. 

141st. 1764, May — letter of Mr. de Kerlerec enclosing the above 
memorial. 

' 142d. No date — extracts of all the letters of Mr. de Kerlerec on 
the demoralized condition of Louisiana. This document must have 
been written in 1764. 

143d. No date — memorial of the corps of engineers ; the artillery 
and cadets of Louisiana. 

144th. No date — memorial on the population of Louisiana ; Paris 
and other large cities of the kingdom had been sending to Louisiana 
their debauched women ; fortunately for the colony, says the paper, 
the women died as they arrived ; recommends colonization on a more 
respectable plan. 

145th. No date — memorial on Louisiana, from which it appears 
that the Capucins established themselves there in 1722 ; that their 
establishment obtained the royal sanction on the 15th July, 1725. 
That the first treaty between the Jesuits and the West India Company 
was entered into in 1721; and that they obtained the royal sanction 
to their establishment on the 20th February and 17th August, 1726; 
that their ecclesiastical functions were subject to the control of the 
Superior of the Capucins. 



PORTFOLIO NO. III. 

146th. 1765-1767 — correspondence of Aubry and Foucault with 
the government touching the administration of the country. 

147th. 1763 — project of evacuation of Louisiana by the French on 
the cession to Spain. 

148th. No date — memorial on Louisiana. This document appears 
to have been written towards the year 1730 ; it is remarkable for its 
extensive views ; it treats of the country of Mobile, of the Balize, of 
its passes, of the country between the Balize and New Orleans, of the 



PORTFOLIO NO. IH. 55 

neigliborhood of this city, of Pointe Coupee, of Natclaez, or Arkan- 
sas, of Illinois ; it contains 40 pages, and concludes by offering a plan 
of colonization for the whole. On the passes it states : — 

" River St. Louis (Mississippi) throws itself into the sea by five 
mouths, thus distinguished : eastern pass, south-east pass, south pass, 
south-west pass, and the Balize. In 1720 the south pass was the only 
one used." 

'^ It has been observed since these passes have been used that only 
one or two can be navigated at the same time, and that even then 
they have only 10 to 12 feet water on their bars, which vary each 
year according to the violence of the winds," &c. &c. 

"Besides these five passes, the river throws its waters through 
smaller issues forced by it, and called Bayous. If three of the 
above passes were closed, as also the bayous, all the waters would be 
forced into the two passes situated in opposite directions, such as the 
pass of the east and the south-west pass; the current being increased 
there would be less deposits; besides the wind from the sea, which 
would stem the current of one pass, by throwing a greater bulk of 
water in the other would increase its current, whereby the bar thereof 
would clear itself of mud deposits, &c. &c. These passes and bayous 
may be easily closed by three or four rows of pilotis placed close to 
each other, and at a distance of about 160 to 200 toises from the 
mouth of the Mississippi to the pass. The interval would serve as a 
bed for the drift wood, which being thus stopped would soon be 
covered with the deposits of the river. I believe that such a work 
would soon afibrd a great protection against the river." 

At the time this memorial was written, the sugar-cane was producing 
2500 pounds of sugar, besides the molasses. 

A plan is presented for the employment of 325 white families, and 
19,000 blacks, in the cultivation of the sugar cane and tobacco. 

149th. 1710 — memorial on the advantages to Louisiana of inviting 
the Acadians established at Detroit to return to this colony. 

150th. 1778— memorial of Mad. Dubreuil, praying for a pension 
from the French Grovernment, as daughter of Mr. Delachaise, director 
of the West India Company, who was the first administrator of Louis- 
iana, whose wisdom and activity tended to consolidate the colony. 

151st. No date — memorial of the citizen Bounevie to the citizen 
Becres, minister of marine and the colonies, proposing to undertake 
an exploring voyage from the western part of Louisiana to the Pacific 
Ocean. 

152d, 1754 — expos4 by Mr. Colon of the advantages to France of 



56 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

the possession of Louisiana. This paper is highly interesting and 
full of statistical information ; it treats fully of the agriculture of the 
country. 

153d. 1754 — memorial of Mr. Colon on the commerce of Louisiana, 

154th. 1754 — project of association for Louisiana by Mr. Colon. 

155th. No date — picture of the wretched condition of the colony 
produced by the depreciated currency; plan to restore confidence. 
This document must have been penned about the year 1765 or '6. 

156th. An 12, Frimaire 20 — -proces verbal of the " prise de pos- 
session" of Louisiana by France. This document is signed Laussat, 
and is addressed to the citizen DecrSs, minister of marine and the 
colonies. 

157th. 1766 to 1768 — private letters of Mr. Foucault to the French 
minister, No. 1 to 70. 

158th. Paris — 29 Fructidor — An 9 — memoranda on Louisiana by 
Mr. Joseph Pontalba, of Louisiana. Its position as to the United 
States; its population ; the character of its inhabitants; its culture; 
its commerce ; its resources ; the importance it might acquire and the 
means to obtain the same. Speaks of a plan proposed by a rich in- 
habitant of Ohio (evidently Gen. Wilkinson), to detach the whole of 
the western country from the east, to form an independent govern- 
ment with Louisiana, &c. &c. This document, dated " Croissy, near 
Chalons," is addressed to the minister Decres. 

159th. 1803, 20th Dec— '^ the Moniteur," containing the Procla- 
mation of Wm. C. C Claiborne, announcing the "prise de possession" 
of Louisiana. This paper. No. 378, gives a full account of all the 
events accompanying this change : the new organization and the ap- 
pointments made. 

160th. 1709 — extract of a roemorial by Mr. Mandeville, ensign of 
the Vaubant Company in Louisiana. 

161st. No date — memorial praying the King to commute the pe- 
nalty incurred by smugglers to transportation to Louisiana. 

162d. No date — memorial on Louisiana after the treaty of peace 
of 1764. 

163d. Correspondence of Messrs. de Kerlerec and Foucault on the 
disordered state of the administration in Louisiana; complaints of the 
quality of the goods from France for the King's stores ; insubordination 
of the officers. 

164th. 1752, 30th Sept. — ^important observation on the commerce 
of Louisiana, which IMr. Dubreuil takes the liberty of submitting to 
the King. 



PORTFOLIO NO. III. 67 

165th. 1794 — An 2 — 16 Floreal — Paris — letter from the Ameri- 
can citizen Mountflorence, to the " Comite de Salut Public/' handing 
extracts from a Boston paper, announcing that there was a revolution 
preparing in Louisiana to shake off the Spanish yoke, and to follow 
the impulsion given by North America. 

166th. 1763, 10th June — Messrs. Bienville and Salmon, on the 
commerce with Spain and the cultures of the colony. 

167th. 1701 — account by Mr. Lamothe de Cadillac respecting the 
destruction of the Indians on the Huron and Erie. 

168th. 1761, 10th Sept. — letter from Mr. de Kerlerec complain- 
ing of the insubordination of certain officers, &c. 

169th. 1716 — memorial on Louisiana ; means to take for protect- 
ing Louisiana against the English and the Spaniards. 

170th. No date — project of letters patent of the King, granting a 
concession to the West India Company, for thirty years of the com- 
merce of Louisiana discovered by Mr. Belasalle. This document 
must have been written in 1711 or 12 ; it grants great privileges to the 
company, and is divided by articles. 

171st. No date — articles rejected from the above project of letters 
patent prayed for by Mr. Duche. 

172d. 1708 — memorial on the formation of a commercial company 
in Louisiana. 

173d. 1733 — letter of Messrs. de Bienville and Salmon respecting 
a Mr. Claude Jausset dit Laloire; the first born Louisianian. 

174th. 1733 — Messrs. Bienville and Salmon on the interdiction of 
the Jesuits in New Orleans ; they remonstrate against such interdic- 
tion, and regret that virtuous men should be removed to make room 
for the dissolute. 

175th. 1733, 6th March — letter from Mr. Perrier announcing the 
transfer by him of the government of Louisiana. 

176th. 1733, 28th July— letter of Messrs. Bienville and Salmon 
advising the receipt of the classing of officers by the minister. 

177th. 1733, 22d Sept. — letter from the same, relative to the mar- 
riage of an officer, Mr. Buissonniere, with a Miss Trudeau, in defiance 
of his superiors. 

178th. 1733 — letter from Messrs. Bienville and Salmon, relative 
to the " Conseil Sup^rieur." 

179th. 1733, 30th Sept. — memorial complaining of the irredeem- 
able paper money left by the West India Company, and of the loss 
sustained by the widow of a Mr. Elias, director of the " concessioa 
of law." 



58 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

180th. 1734, April 3cl — Messrs. de Bienville and Salmon, their 
answer to the proposal of a paper emission; are of opinion that the 
King's paper would enjoy a better credit than that of the West India 
Company, but that the inhabitants had lost so heavily by the emis- 
sions of that company, that much time would be required before paper 
currency could again obtain general circulation, and that to attain 
such an end it would be requisite that the contemplated issues should 
carry with them undoubted guarantees. 

181st. 1734, 28th April — Mr. de Bienville on the subject of a 

petition against him. 

182d. 1734, 26th April— letter of Mr. de Bienville and Salmon, 
on the subject of difficulties regarding the rank of officers. 

18od. No date — necessity for a larger force in Louisiana; pro- 
posal to increase the number of soldiers in the same proportion as the 
English, in time of peace as well as in time of war, observing that 
the increase of the French navy was only a castes belli with the 
English. 

184th. 1761, Madrid 8th and 10th Dec— letter from the Marquis 
d'Ossun to Mr. de Kerlerec, on the preparations to be made in ease 
of attack by the English. 

185th. "Without date — memorial on the disastrous effects of the 
monopole granted to the West India Company. 

186th. No date — pro formS, expenses to be incurred by the King 
in taking back Louisiana. 

187th. No date — memorial representing the increase of population 
of the English in Canada, and the necessity from its neighborhood to 
Louisiana, to take the necessary measures to prevent its loss. 

188th. 1731, 23d June — retrocession by the West India Company 
of its privileges to the King. The concession extended to Illinois. 
By this document it appears that the letters patent were granted by 

Edicts in August and September, 1717 
" May, 1719 

" July, 1720 

" and June, 1725 

189th. No date — proposal by the syndics and directors of the West 
India Company. 

190th. No date — project of ordinance to accept the retrocession by 
the West India Company. 

191st. Project of deliberation by the syndics and directors of the 



PORTFOLIO NO. IV. 59 

West India Company, for the retrocession of the privileges of the 
company. 

192d. 1760, 7 Dec. — Mr. de Rochemore, attributing to the agio 
of depreciated currency the wretched condition of Louisiana. 

193d. 1788, 27th March — document whereby it would appear that 
Mr. de Villars, commissioner of Louisiana for the King, had addressed 
him to the following effect under date of 27th March, 1788. " That 
G-eneral Wilkinson, one of the largest proprietors in the new State of 
Kentucky, had come down to Louisiana, giving to understand to the 
administrators of the colony, that the adjoining United States had 
come to the determination of forcing a passage through the Missis- 
sippi, the navigation of which to remain hereafter open to both coun- 
trieSj but that he had obtained of them to suspend their movements 
until his return." 

On the other hand, Messrs. Vincent and Marbois observe that 
people are in great error if they think that Congress can entertain 
such ideas, that the population of the western country can only in- 
crease at the expense of the 13 Eastern States, these States possess- 
ing really only a border country of about 100 leagues on the ocean. 

194th. 1772, 13th Feb. — claims of the " Fermiers Gen^raux" on 
the merchants of Louisiana for arrears of duties. 

195th. 1716 — instructions of the King to Messrs. I'Espinoy and 
Hubert, " commissaire ordonnateur," respecting Louisiana. 

196th. 1723, Paris— letter of Mr. de Purry to the Duke of Bour- 
bon, on Louisiana. Mr. de Purry, from Neufchatel, Switzerland, had 
been Director-general of the West India Company, in whose service 
he remained for five years ; he had come to France on the invitation 
of Law. This letter is full of interest, and shows great ability; he 
presents a plan of colonization which would have been admirable • 
places great stress upon the culture of the silk worm, &c. 

197th. No date — answer to the observations made on Mr. Purry's 
letter. 



PORTFOLIO NO. IV. 

198th. 1769, 1st Sept. — Statement by Aubry of the rebellion in 
Louisiana ; copy of his correspondence with O'Reilly, whereby it is 
evident that it was on his information that the following gentlemen 
were arrested, to wit : — 

Messrs. de la Freni^re, Procureur-General. 



60 HISTOKICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA, 

Mr. Hardy, Assesseur au Conseil. 
• Mr. Mazan, a reformed captain, and Chevalier de St. Louis. 

Mr. Marquis, reformed Commandant of the Swiss Company. 

Mr. Noyan, reformed Captain of Cavalry. 

Mr. Caresse, Captain of Militia. 

Mr. Milhet, Captain of Militia. 

Mr. Milhet, Lieutenant of Militia. 

Mr. Poupet, IMerchant. 

Mr. Petit, Merchant. 

Mr. Doncet, Lawyer. 

Mr. Foucault, Ordonnateur. 

Aubry hands to the French minister a copy of his letter to Go- 
vernor O'Reilly, under date 20th August, 1769, denouncing the above- 
named persons, as also Mr. Villere, who he states had joined the rebels 
on the 29th with 400 men from the Acadian coast, thereby in- 
creasing the force in the city to 1000 men, under the direction of La 
Preniere. " Mille projects," says Mr. Aubry, "se sont succedes les 
uns aux autres ; on a eu le dessein d'eriger le pays en Republique ; 
on a presente au conseil une requete pour y ^tablir une Banque, a 
rimitation de celle d' Amsterdam et de Venise ', car ce sont les pro- 
pres tevmes dont ils se sont servis." 

199th. August 28th, 1769 — proces verbal of the arrest of Foucault 
by Messrs. Aubry and B. de Grand Maison ; F. E. de Mazillike and 
John Trudeau ; seals affised by the Notary Garic on all effects be- 
longing to said Foucault j papers relative to the conspiracy delivered 
to Governor O'Reilly. 

200th. Proces verbal by the Notary Garic of the estate of Fou- 
cault. 

201st. 27th August, 1769 — proclamation of General O'Reilly, an- 
nouncing the promulgation of the Black Code or Edict of the Kitg, 
for the government and administration of justice, police and discipline, 
and the coramerce of black slaves in Louisiana. In the same procla- 
mation, Messrs. Fleurian and Ducros are presented as judges. 

202d. 1769, 21st August — General O'Reilly announces a general 

pardon, save the chiefs of the rebellion, who are to undergo their trial. 

203d. 1769, 19th August— copy of a letter from General O'Reilly 

to Governor Aubry, asking information on the rebellion ; the names 

of the chiefs, &c. &e. 

204th. 1769, 23d August — letter from the same to the same, ask- 
ing all information and papers of whatsoever nature in his possession, 
in order that the chiefs of the rebellion might be convicted. 



PORTEOLIO NO. IV. 61 

205tli. 1769, 24tli August — copy of tlie answer of Mr. Aubry to 
Governor O'Reilly, giving all the information required, together with 
the names of the leaders. The Chevalier d'Arinsbourg, commandant 
of the Acadian coast was among the number. 

(N. B. Mr. d'Arinsbourg was saved through the intercession of 
Mr. Forstall, under whose uncle General O'Reilly had served in the 
regiment of Hibernia in Spain.) 

206th. 1750 — discovery in Louisiana of a flint mine (crystal) ; 
the place made a secret. 

207th. 1766, 7th Sept. — ordinance of Governor Aubry in the 
name of Governor UUoa, ordering all invoices of goods to be de- 
livered, that the value of such goods might be regulated ; and making 
paper money legal tender. 

208th. 1766, 12th Sept. — protest of the merchants and inhabitants 
of Louisiana against the above ordinance, signed as follows : B. Du- 
plessis, Moulin, Jean Mercier, Jr., Petit, J. Vienne, Blache, Toutant 
Beauregard, Durel, Rose, J. Senilh, Duprest, Bienvenu, Goumigu, 
Revoil, Vols, L. Ducrest, D. Brand, Guezille, Braquier, Papion, Bra- 
_fiuier Jeune, J. Boudet, Doraison, St. Anne, P. Caresse, Cavelier 
Frk'es, Hinard, P. Poupet, Broussard, Revoise, Durand, Estebe, J. 
Lafitte, cadet, Jean Souvaistre, A. Bodaille, Cantrelle, Astura, Brunet, 
Fournier and St. Pe, Dumas and Gricunnard, Rodrigue, fils am6, 
Louis Ransom, Testas, Moullineau, P. Segond, P. Guignam, A. Bois- 
dore, L. Boisdor^, G. Guignam, Chateau, Sarpy, Detouvit, Ville- 
franche, Salomon, P. Simon, E. Hughes, Macmara, J. Arnoult, J. 
Sarrou, Dubourg, Durand, Cadet, Ducarpe, B. Gaillardi^, Raguet, J. 
Nicolas, Jh. Millet, Delapize, Brion, Bertremieux Ain^, Blandin Du- 
lestre, A. Reynard, Fortier, Blaignad, Bijon, L. Daubech, Langlois, 
M. Duralde, Bourjeaux, M. Bonnemaison, Joly, F. Hery, Forstall, 
B. Lenfant, A. Olivier. This protest, certified by Foucault, is 
couched in most energetic language. 

209th. 10th Sept. 1766 — protest of the captains of vessels against 
Aubry' s ordinance. 

210th. 28th August, 1766 — memorial of Foucault to Governor 
Ulloa. 

211th. 20th Jan. 1768 — letter of Governor Aubry, giving an ac- 
count of his government jointly with Governor Ulloa, who for want 
of troops cannot take possession of the country. 

212th 1768, 20th Jan. — letter of Mr. Aubry on the same subject. 

213th. 1768, 4th Jan. — copy of a letter from Mr. Aubry to his 



62 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Excellency G-eneral Hardiman, Governor of Pensacola, for his Bri- 
tannic Majesty, demanding 20 Spanisti deserters. 

214th. 1768, 14th Nov. — remarks of Mr. Aubry on the rebellion 
of Louisiana. 

215th. 1768, 14th Dec. — protest of Gov. Aubry against the ordi- 
nances of the superior council. 

216th. 1738 — memorial respecting marriages between Indians and 
whites. 

217th. 1726 — memorial on Louisiana, pointing out the manner of 
placing the colony on solid foundations. This paper signed by Messrs. 
Drouot and Valentin, contains valuable statistical information. 

218th. 1724 — memorial on the culture of tobacco. 

219th. No date — memorial suggesting the establishment of a float- 
ing battery at the Balize, signed " Bertrand." 

220th. 1719, 10th July — details of a mining expedition in the 
neighborhood of Kaskasias. This paper is signed " Perry." 

221st. 1723 — memorial on the means of upper Mississippi. 

222d. 1763 — correspondence between Colonel Robertson, com- 
manding Mobile for his Britannic Majesty, and Governor d'Abaddie. 
This part of Louisiana was ceded to England by the treaty of Paris, 
of 10th February, 1763, the seventh article of which reads thus : — 

Art. 7. — The river and the port of Mobile, and the left bank of 
the Mississippi, New Orleans, and the islands on which it is situated 
excepted, are ceded, &c. 

223d. 20th Dec. — letter from Governor Aubry to his government 
respecting the Louisiana rebellion ; he states that he cannot express 
himself freely, that he can trust no one, not even his own Secretary, 
lest he should be treated in the same manner as Ulloa. 

224th. 1768, 28th Dec. — remarks of Aubry on the Louisiana 
rebellion. 

225th. 1768, 8th March— letter of Mr. Aubry on the rebellion, 
enclosing copy of a letter by him addressed to Mr. Baccalary, Governor 
of Havana. 

226th. 1763, 20th Oct.— proces verbal of the transfer of Mobile 
by the French government to the English government. This docu- 
ment is signed " Derville, Farende, Robert Fannar." 

227th, 1763, Oct. 20th. — proclamation of Robert Fannar, on his 
taking possession of Mobile, and of all that part of Louisiana situated 
on the left hand or eastern bank of the river Mississippi, from its 
source down to the river d'Herville, thence across Lakes Maurepas 
and Pontchartrain to the sea. 



PORTFOLIO NO. T. 



PORTFOLIO NO. V. 



228th. 1721, 5tli Sept. — by-laws of the "West India Company, for 
the government of Louisiana, approved by the King. 

229th. 1721, 2d Sept. — rules by the same company to encourage, 
the culture of tobacco, rice, and the introduction and education of 
silk-worms. 

230th. No date — report on the Indians ; extracts from Governor 
de Vandreuille's correspondence, announcing a treaty of peace with 
the Chactas, a nation counting 4000 warriors, and occupying an ex- 
tent of country exceeding 40 leagues. This document must have 
been written about the close of 1739. 

231st. 1761, 6th. March — extract of a letter from Mr. de Kerlerec 
to the Marquis d'Ossun, complaining of the conduct of the govern- 
ment of Campeachy towards French vessels that had entered that port 
in distress, whilst on a voyage from New Orleans to Havana, for as- 
sistance on behalf of the colony. 

232d. 1761, Oct. od, St. Ildephonse — ^letter from the Marquis 
d'Ossun, informing Mr. de Kerlerec of instructions given to the go- 
vernment of Mexico, Havana, Pensacola, and of all other Spanish pos- 
sessions in behalf of all French vessels; speaks of the projects of 
England to obtain possession of Mexico, and of the necessity of re- 
taining Louisiana as the best means of defeating their plans. 

233d. 1761, 10th Jan.— letter from Mr. de Kerlerec to the Mar- 
quis d'Ossun complaining of the silence of his Court; proposes to use 
ciphers for their correspondence. 

234th. 1761, 31st Oct. Escurial — memorial from the French am- 
bassador respecting the impossibility to supply Louisiana with the 
assistance needed, all French vessels being captured by the English ; 
points out the common interest of Spain and France in retaining 
Louisiana ; suggests a depot in Havana, Campeachy, and other neigh- 
boring ports, of provisions, fire-arms, and munitions of war, to be 
within reach of New Orleans whenever required. All such provisions 
and other articles required, to be paid for by the French govern- 
ment. 

235th. 1763, 9th July — decree by the "conseil superieur de la 
Louisiane," forbidding the introduction .of slaves from St. Domingo, 
poisoning being common in that island among the negroes. 



64 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

236tli. 1752, 12tli Sept.— letter from Mr. Michel " Ordonnateur" 
to ttie minister, complaining of the want of proper officers for the 
" conseil superieur/' and begging the government to supply the colony 
with two young engineers and one surveyor. 

237th. 1752, Feb. — letter from Mr. de Yaudreuil to the minister 
advising the capture by a Spanish ^' Grarde Cote/' of the French ves- 
sel " I'Etoile," and demanding her restitution. 

238th. 1754, 4th July — letter from Mr. de Kerlerec and d'Auber- 
ville, announcing the arrival of families from Lorraine, sent by go- 
vernment ; speaks favorably of those families whom they advise having 
placed in the parish " des Allemands." 

239th. 1754, 9th July — Mr. d'Auberville to the minister with the 
budget of the colony for 1754, and a list of all officers employed. 

240th. 1754, 21st Sept. — Messrs. de Kerlerec and d'Auberville 
to the minister, requesting the government to send two miners to work 
the mines discovered in Illinois, lead and copper. 

241st. 1652, 22d Sept.— Mr. Michel to the minister with full re- 
ports on the condition of the country ; gives interesting details on 
the culture of cotton; the difficulties to separate the seed from the 
wool; of a gin invented by Mr. Dubreuil; the culture of tobacco, 
rice, indigo and the commerce of peltries ; the advantages that might 
be obtained by irrigation of the land, in dry seasons, and the renova- 
tion of the fields by introducing the water of the Mississippi on old 
lands, &c. &c. 

242d. 1753, 9th March — Mr. d'Auberville to the minister, show- 
ing the necessity of rebuilding the government house ; announcing the 
death of Mr. Michel, and the situation of the treasury on that day. 

243d. 1735, 31st August — Messrs. Bienville and Salmon, im- 
provement in the management of the militia hospital since placed 
under the care of the Ursulines ; complains of medicines furnished by 
government. 

244th. 1731, 10th Jan.— letter from Mr. Dirou d'Artaguette to 
the minister defending himself against charges brought by Governor 
Perrier ; interesting details of his wars with the Indians. 

245th. 1728, 8th Dec. — Mr. Dirou to the minister, on the situa- 
tion of the country of Mobile. 

246th. 1739 — Chicachas war; details of the forces sent from 
France. 

247th. 1736, 28th June — Messrs. de Bienville and Salmon, in- 
teresting details on the Chicachas campaign ; the retreat of Mr. de 
Bienville with 544 men under his command. 



PORTFOLIO NO. V. 65 

248th. 1751, 12th Jan. — Mr. de Yaudreuil to the minister, an- 
nouncing the termination of the war with the Chactas ; begs for the 
cross of St. Louis for Captain de Grandpre, as a reward for the ser- 
vices rendered by him during the last campaign. 

249th. 1729, 22d Sept. — Chicachas war; expedition from France, 
500 men ; detail on the projected campaign. 

250th. 1731, 5th Dec. — Messrs. Perrier and Salmon, announcing 
the recording in the minutes of the " conseil superieur," of the letters 
patent of the King respecting the retrocession by the West India 
Company of all their privileges in Louisiana; interesting statistical 
statements and other documents, showing the true condition of the 
colony at that epoch. 

251st. 1736, 9th June — Mr. Dirou d'Artaguette, announcing the 
failure of the expedition of Mr. de Bienville, at the head of 1500 
men including his allies, against the Chicachas. 

252d. 1731, 20th April— Mr. Dirou d'Artaguette, details on the 
Indian war ; calls for aid. 

253d. 1762, Jan. — letter from the King of France to Mr. de Ker- 
lerec, in which he states " by the preliminaries of peace agreed upon 
at Fontainbleau on the od Nov. last, having ceded part of the pro- 
vince of Louisiana to the King of England, I have resolved upon 
ceding the other part to my cousin, the King of Spain." Then fol- 
lows an order for the delivery to England and Spain of the whole of 
the province, in accordance with the limits fixed upon in the said 
preliminaries. 

254th. 1762 — instructions of the King to Mr. d'Abbadie regard- 
ing the delivery of Louisiana to England and Spain. 

255th. 1731, 24th June — Dirou d'Artaguette, announcing new 
disorders among the Natchez; the murder of two officers near the 
Arkansas ; destruction of the Tunicas by the Natchez ; calls for as- 
sistance. 

256th. — No date — instructions of the King to Mr. d'Abbadie, re- 
garding the artillery and munitions of war at Mobile. This letter 
must have been written in 1762. 

257th. 1721, 13th Sept. — instructions from the West India Com- 
pany to the directors and sub-directors in Louisiana, for their guidance 
in the management of the affairs of the Company. 

258th. 1719,28th Oct.— report of Mr. Hubert on Pensacola ; 
Dauphin Island; Ship Island and I'Ozage ; recommends Ship Island 
as the best harbor for men-of-war. 

259th. 1721, 31st Sept. — instructions by the West India Company 
6 



66 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

to the directors and sub-directors in Louisiana, signed in Paris by 
"Demacliault and Dedune." 

260th. 1713, 15tli July — interesting memorial by Mr. Duclos on 
Louisiana, including the country of Mobile, addressed to Count Pont- 
cliartrain. 

261st. 1718, 21st June, Paris — memorial on Louisiana, signed 
" L. A. de Bourbon, le Marechal d'Estrees," par le conseil " Lacha- 
pellc." 

This memorial is full of interest. France had then in view the 
possession of the whole of North America ; to attain such an end 
Louisiana was considered as the basis of the whole plan, and a colo- 
nization upon a large plan was recommended. A naval depot was 
suggested on Ship Island ; a general plan of fortifications was proposed 
from Pensacola to the " Bale St. Bernard.^' The English plan of 
colonization was strongly recommended, to wit : 500 to 600 families 
at a time provided by government with all the necessary utensils, cat- 
tle, &c. &c., and provisions for one year. The whole to be returned 
by the parties when in a situation to do so ; none but good peasants 
to be sent ; the plan comprehending the Wabash, the Illinois, the 
Yazoo, the Missouri and Natchitoches ; the working of the mines of 
Missouri proposed ; the memorial is thus concluded : 

" A large commerce can be carried on between Mexico and Mis- 
souri. Missouri has another branch nearly as important ; its source 
is said to be from the same mountain ; it is believed that this branch 
empties itself in the South Sea. The Canadians invited in those 
parts would soon create establishments for a commerce with Japan 
and China. Such would be the importance of such a trade that the 
truth of these reports is worthy the attention of government." 

262d. No date — report from la Rochelle, announcing the depart- 
ure of the frigates " la Victoire et la Duchesse de Noailles," with 
570 men for Louisiana. 

263d. 1718, 21st July — incomplete memoranda concerning Mr. 
de St. Denis' journey through the Red River to Mexico. 

264th. 1713 — Mr. Crozat informs the government of the efforts 
of the British to seduce the Indians on the upper Mississippi and 
in the Natchez country; applies for two officers and 40 men for 
Illinois. 

265th. 1716, 7th Sept. — incomplete memoranda on certain changes 
proposed for Dauphin Island, and the Fort St. Louis of Mobile ; in- 
structions to be given to the military posts in Louisiana, and parti- 
cularly to that of Alibamons. 



PORTFOLIO NO. ,V. 67 

266th. 1714, 27tli Dec. — military establishments (posts) in Louis- 
iana ordered by the King in a letter under this date. 

267th. 1716, 21st July — memorandum on the morus tobacco, and 
a leaf named Appalachine, considered a specific for the gout and for 
the stone, and other diseases, by the Indians of A-ppalache. These 
memorandas are by Mr. Lamothe, vrho strongly recommends the in- 
troduction of silk worms. 

268th. 1716 — instructions to Mr. de la Mothe, respecting the 
works on Dauphin Island, &c. &c. 

269th. 1716, 21st Feb.— Mr. de la Mothe on the discovery of cer- 
tain mines. 

270th. 1718, March 1st — inventory. of the public stores, &c. &c., 
in the King's warehouses in Dauphin Island and in Mobile. 

271st. 1721, 2d Sept. — appointment by the King of the Chevalier 
Le Blond de la Tour, as Lieutenant-general of the province of 
Louisiana. 

272d. Petition of the "West India Company to the King, praying 
that by letters patent of the 15th January, 1724, Mr. Delachaise 
having been made a member of the supreme council, although de- 
puted by the King with extraordinary powers to investigate the affairs 
of the company in Louisiana, by decree of his Majesty's council of 
8th Decembei', 1722, that the said Delachaise be permitted to act as 
honorary counsellor in the " Conseil de Regie Generale," and in that 
capacity to serve the company in the furtherance of the welfare of the 
colony. This petition is signed by the directors of the West India 
Company in Paris. 

273d. 1723, 24th April— letter from Mr. de Bienville, dated 20th 
June, 1722, announcing the order of the Viceroy of Mexico for the 
cession of Pensacola to Spain. This letter is accompanied by the 
order of the King of France. 

274th. 1724, 26th Oct. — prices fixed for merchandize tendered by 
the inhabitants in payment of debts to the West India Company. 

275th. 1721 — documents relative to the beaver trade in Canada; 
petition against the monopoly of that trade. 

276th. 1725 — sundry letters relative to the war with the "Re- 
nards." 

277th. 1743 — Mr. de Vaudreuil's account of the situation of the 
colony respecting the Indians. 

278th. 1726, 7th August — ordinance by Messrs. de Boisbriant, 
Commander-Greneral of the province of Louisiana, and Delachaise, 
" Commissaire du Roi," and first Counsellor of his Majesty in the 



6S HISTORICAL GOLI/ECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

" Conseil Sup^rieur de la Regie ;'^ measures to be adopted in conse- 
quence of the rupture between England and Spain. 

279tb. 176-5, 1st June — printed extracts from the minutes of the 
" Conseil Superieur" relative to the Abbot de I'lsle Dieu. 

280th. 1755, Paris, 2d Sept. — printed treaties on the patent letters 
to the Capuchins of Champagne, concerning the missions through 
Louisiana. 

281st. 1726, 13th Sept. — articles of agreement between the Ursu- 
lines and the West India Company, for the service of a military hos- 
pital in New Orleans. These articles, to the number of 28, containing 
all the conditions attached to certain grants, are signed by " I'Abb^ 
Ragolet." 

282d. No date — ^project for the retrocession of Louisiana by the 
West India Company to the King. 

283d. 1739, 25th Oct. — memorial of the Chevalier de Fabrau on 
Louisiana, without interest. 

284th. 1742 — agreements consequent to the retrocession of Louis- 
iana by the West India Company on the 27th March, 1731. 

285th. No date — memorial on the same subject. 

286th. 1759, 6th March — Mr. Rochimore, complaining of the in- 
subordination of officers. 



PORTFOLIO NO. VL 

287th. 1731, Oct. 30th — Ursuline Convent founded in 1727; me- 
morial of Father d' Avangeon on the advantages of that institution ; 
the object is represented to have been the education of young girls, 
the nursing of the sick as " hospitalieres ;" the service of the military 
hospital ; prays for aid in order to increase the number of sisters, 
originally 6 to 12, and the confirmation in " franc alleu" of the lands 
granted in New Orleans, and that they may be permitted to enjoy the 
privileges belonging to their order in France. 

288th. 1764, 15th Feb. — instructions to Mr. d'Abbadie respect- 
ing the Jesuits, which instructions are stated to have been carried into 
effect, the company having been dissolved and their estates having 
been sold previous to the receipt of the letters patent of the King- 
bearing date the 3d June, 1763. 

289th. 1724, August — inspection by the Louisiana committee, of 
the different military posts of that colony, to wit : New Orleans, the 
Balize, Biloxi, Dauphin Island^ Mobile, Alilramons, Natchez, Natchi- 



TOUTFOLIO NO. VI. 69 

toclies, Yazoo, Arkansas, Illinois. The committee Tecommend the 
giving up of the military posts of Biloxi, Dauphin Island, and Ar- 
kansas. 

29Gth, 1741, SGth April — Mr. de Bienville, interesting account 
relative to the Indians. 

291st. 15th Sept. — report of Mr. Duverge, concerning different 
operations intrusted to him for the improvement of the colony ; pre- 
sents a plan for an establishment at Ship Island, at Alibamons, and 
on the Wabash ; also, but on a smaller scale, at Biloxi and in Illi- 
nois ; recommends the clearing of the Manchac of trees impeding the 
navigation of that rivulet j proposes a road from Biloxi to the Illinois 
by land ; submits a plan for the raising of silk worms ; speaks of a 
military post on the St. Bernard, &c. &c. This report embraces a 
complete organization for the government of Louisiana, and is highly 
interesting, presenting large views on the commerce and agriculture of 
the country, and was approved by the directors of the West India 
Company in Paris, on the 15th September, 1720. 

292d. 1727, 24th April — missions to be supplied by the Capuchins 
throughout Louisiana. 

293d. 1733, 15th Jan. — plan of the fort of Natchitoches, (signed) 
Broutin. 

294th. 1734, 25th July — plan of a large portion of the city of New 
Orleans, (signed) Broutin, including Toulouse, St. Peter, St. Anne, 
and Dumaine, Levee and Cond^ streets ; on tbis plan are indicated 
the following buildings to be undertaken during 1734, to wit : bar- 
racks, fronting the river between St. Anne and Dumaine; government 
house, fronting the levee, between St. Peter and Toulouse; the cus- 
tom house, (Intendance,) also fronting the levee between Dumaine 
and St. Anne. 

295th. 1733 — plan (signed) "Broutin," elevation of a building to 
be placed on the top of a wine cellar in the custom built in 1732. 

296th. 1733, 15th Jan.— (signed) " Broutin," plan of the powder 
magazine ; on this plan are seen the dresses of the inhabitants of that 
epoch. 

297th. 1733, 15th Jan.— plan (signed) "Broutin," of the wall 
surrounding the powder magazine. 

298th. 1733,15th Jan.— plan (signed) " Broutin," side view of 
the powder magazine built in 1732. 

299th. 1734, 12th July— proces verbal of Messrs. de Bienville 
and Salmon accompanying the above plans. 

300th, 1734, 25th July— plan (signed) "Broutin," of barracks, 



70 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

&c., to be erected during 1734, between St. Anne and Damaine 
streets. 

301st. 1733, 15th May— Mr. de Bienville relative to tlie Indians; 
interesting details respecting the Natchez, the Chicachas, &c. ; original 
letters from persons inhabiting among those nations and the Illinois ; 
the Alibamons, the Natchitoches, the Talapenches, the Chitimachas, 
the Attakapas, and the Loupelousas. 

302d. 1734, 27th July — Mr. de Bienville on the Chicachas, Natchez 
and Chactas ; interesting details ; a few speeches by the Indian 
chiefs. 

803d. 1734, 25th Jan.— Mr. de Bienville on the Indians. 

804th. 1733, 26th July — the same on the same subject. 

305th. 1716, 8th Oct. — memorial on the importance of colonizing 
Louisiana ; an armed colonization is recommended instead of soldiers, 
as being less costly and more useful. 

306th. 1733, 15th May— plan (signed) "Devin," of the Fort 
Conde at Mobile. 

307th. 1784 — memorial on the necessity of colonization in Louis- 
iana; void of interest. 

308th. 1734, 6th April — Mr. Perrier on the movements of the In- 
dians. 

309th. 1734, 26th April— Mr. de Bienville on the Indians ; ac- 
count of a battle, &c. 

310th. 1782, 14th May.— Mr. Perrier on the Indians, and of the 
missionaries among them. 

811th. 1731, 10th Dec. — Mr. Perrier on the war with the Natchez; 
the situation of the colony, and the budget for 1732, &c. &c. 

312th. 1772 — petition from the commerce of Bordeaux, claiming 
a continuation of franchise on goods from Louisiana on the following 
grounds : 

1st. Because although the cession of Louisiana to Spain by treaty 
took place in 1762, it was only publicly known in France in 1765. 

2d. Because the King of S]5ain only took possession of that colony 
in March, 1766. 

3d. Because the revolution of 1768 and 1769 in that country, was 
the cause of most of the agents of the Bordeaux merchants being 
either shot or sent to the mines. 

313th. 1747, Feb. — Mr. de Vaudreuil, mui'der of a cadet and of 
a soldier by the Chactas ; details on the Indians. 

314th. 1747, Jan. — Mr. de Vaudreuil, on the Indians and the 
doings of the English. 



PORTEOLIO NO. VI. 71 

315th. 1736, 18th June — Mr. de Beauchamp calls for a corps of 
miners and bombardiers to carry on the war with the Chicachas, whom 
he represents as living like weazels, in cabins resembling ovens partly 
under ground, and communicating with each other. 

316th. 1626, 29th March— memorial of Mr. de Merveilleus on 
the erection of a fort at Pascagoula, recommended by Mr. Dela- 
chaise. 

317th. 1759, 5th July — proces verbal of the confiscation of the 
English schooner the " Three Brothers," commanded by Joseph 
Boull, aged 36 years, belonging to Rhode Island, (signed) Rochemore. 

ol8th. 1750, 11th June — extract of a letter from Mr. Durand to 
the Marquis of Puyzenet, dated London, speaking of the Quakers 
and of the Moravians, in the highest terms ; recommends them for 
the colonization of Louisiana ; and adds, " it appears that Admiral 
Anson was intrusted with a project, which not having received, its exe- 
cution cannot now be fully ascertained. A plan found in the papers 
of King William the Third shows, however, that that prince had 
conceived the idea of taking possession of the Isthmus of Darien, and 
by the means of the river running nearly through from one sea to the 
other, to open communications between the fleets in the Atlantic and 
South Seas, granting at the same time, commissions to all privateers, 
for the purpose of annoying the French and Spanish commerce, 
and of gradually keeping the latter power in the dependence of Eng- 
land." 

319th. 1722, 6th Nov. — Mr. de Bienville, handing a speech made 
by him to the Indians. 

320th. No date — coup d'oeil on Louisiana, by Mr. Roquevante, 
wherein he endeavors to show the advantage of the fur trade on the 
Canadian plan. 

321st. No date — project for the guidance of the military " com- 
mandants" towards the Indians in Louisiana. 

322d. 1740, 28th June — memorial of Mr. Duverge relating to the 
discovery of the road from New Orleans to the upper country, through 
the Chicachas; the whole is very interesting and contains about 100 
pages. 

323d. 1731, 16th March— letter from Mr. Regis a Roullet on the 
Indian war. 

324th. 1733, 19th March— plan (signed) ^^Broutin," elevation of 
the Ursulines Convent. 

325th. 1733, 19th March — other view of the same building. 

326th. 1733, 1st May — plan of a military hospital. 



72 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

327th. 1731, 21st Feb.— letter of Mr. Regis de Roullet on the 
Indian War. 

328th. 1723, 3d May — interesting documents, containing the 
speeches of several of the leading Indian warriors, asking the pardon 
of a soldier condemned to death. 

329th. 1732, 9th July — plan of the parish church of New Orleans, 
bricks between posts, (signed) "De Bat." 

330th. 1726, 22d Jan. — discussions between the Jesuits and the 
West India Company, void of interest. 

331st. 1719 — history of a journey in the interior of Louisiana, by 
Bernard de la Harpe, containing a memorial for assistance. 

332d. 1740 — paper on the Indians. 

333d. 1730 — project of a private letter from the West India 
Company to Mr. Perrier, respecting the English and Spaniards in 
Louisiana. 

334th. 1740, 29th August — Mr. de Bienville on the Chicachas 
war. 

335th. 1740, 31st Oct. — Mr. de Bienville on the same subject. 

336th. 1733, 8th Sept. — Mr. de Bienville renders an account 
of the situation in which he has found the colony respecting the 
Indians. 

337th. 1733, 25th Jan. — Mr. de Bienville on the Indians. 

338th. 1731, 25th March — relation by Mr. Perrier of the defeat 
of the Natchez. 

339th. 1717 — memorial on Louisiana, of little interest. 

340th. 1721, 4th Oct. — letter from Messrs. de Bienville, Le Blond, 
Latour and Duverge, respecting Mr. Laharpe's relation of his voyage 
to the Bay of St. Bernard. 

341st. 1720 — letter from Mr. de la Harpe, accompanying the his- 
tory of his discoveries. This letter is dated Dauphin Island. 

342d. 1759, Jan. 3d — memorial on the functions of Civil Engi- 
neer and General Surveyor. 

343d. 1766, July 9th — letter from Mr. Aubry esplaining the rea- 
sons which have induced Governor Ulloa to delay taking possession 
of Louisiana. 

344th. 1767, 11th Jan. — letter from the Duke of Choiseul to 
Mr. Aubry, approving the continuation of his government for the 
King of Spain ; the latter paying all expenses. 

345th. 1749, 2d Jan., Paris — copy of a letter from the Count de 
Maurepas to Messrs. de Vaudreuil and Michel, on the culture of 
indigo. : 



PORTFOLIO NO. VII. id 

346tli. 1730, 1st August — Mr. Perrier on the Indian war. 

347tli. 1726 — discussions between the Jesuits and the West India 
Company. 

348th. 1768, 22d Jan. — Foucault to the minister, complaining of 
the diflficulty of his position, and referring to his joint communications 
with Aubry. 

349th. 1735, 15th April — Messrs. de Bienville and Salmon, on 
commerce and agriculture. 

350th. 1744, 10th Feb. — paper on the Indians. 

351st. 1743, August — Mr. de Yaudreuil report on Mobile. 

352d. No date — memorial on Louisiana, disapproving the emission 
of paper money by the administrators of the colony ; demoralization 
which must flow from such emissions. 

353d. 1754, 6th Nov. — Mr. de Kerleree on the Indians. 

354th. 1748, 1st Oct. — Mr. de Vaudreuil on the same subject. 

355th. 1743, Dec. — Loubrey, Commandant of Mobile, on the In- 
dians. 

356th. 1743, July — Mr. de Bienville on the Indians. 

357th. 1714 — memorial of Mr. Crozat for the raising of troops 
for Louisiana. 

358th. 1767, 25th Oct. — pamphlet containing extracts on the fol- 
lowing subjects : 

No. 1. America civilized. 

Nos. 2 to 7. Prophecy on America ; the manufactures of North 
America destined to destroy the supremacy of G-reat Britain. 



PORTFOLIO NO. YII. 

359th. 1768, 20th Jan.— letter from Mr. Aubry explaining the 
extreme difficulty of his position, compelled as he was, being a French 
Grovernor, to govern for the King of Spain ; Governor Ulloa with 
only ninety soldiers not deeming it prudent to receive possession of 
the colony. 

360th. 1767, 20th Jan. — agreement between Aubry and Ulloa, by 
which the former consents to defer the delivery of Louisiana to the 
latter, both in the mean time governing the colony. 
■ 361st. 1767, 30th March — Mr. Aubry expressing his desire for the 
arrival of Spanish troops in order to give up the government of Louis- 
iana ; states his joint action with Ulloa in all necessary measures ; 
complains of Ulloa's quick temper, &c. &c. 



74 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

362cl. 1766, 20th April — instructions to Mr. Aubry for the ces- 
sion of Louisiana. 

363d. 1765, 80th Sept. — Aubry announces some disturbances 
among the Pakanas in the neighborhood of Illinois, and an expedition 
headed by Mr. de Lavilleboeuvre, an officer well acquainted with the 
Indian language, against a party of Indians who had made themselves 
masters of property and cabins belonging to the English on the Iber- 
ville. The delivery of the property by the Indians to Mr. de Laville- 
boeuvre ; speaks of the difficulties arising from the occupation by 
three nations of the same river. 

364th. 1765, 16th Sept. — letter from Aubry to Governor Johnston 
of Mobile ; explaining his difficult position regarding the Indians ; 
j)romises his best efforts to maintain peace. 

365th. 1765, 31st August — instructions of Mr. Aubry to Mr. de 
Lavilleboeuvre as commandant of an expedition against the Alibamons, 
for the purpose of demanding property seized by them on the Iber- 
ville, and belonging to the English. 

366th. 1764, 15th Jan. — Mr. Aubry, explaining the difficulties 
encountered by Mr. d'Abbadie on the part of the English at Tom- 
beckb^ and Alibamons, &c. &c. 

367th. 1764 — copies of speeches of Messrs. d'Abbadie and Farmer 
to the Indians. 

368th. 1765 — words of the Troquois, Loups, and Chonans from 
Fort Duquesne (Pitt), by a Loup chief accompanied by two warriors 
carrying 25 scalps, (English.) 

369th. 1769 — answer of Mr. de Noyan. 

370th. 1763, 3d Sept. — Black Code of France put in operation. 

371st. 1776, Madrid, 8th July — instructions respecting the per- 
mission granted for the exportation of timber, provisions, &c. &c., for 
the relief of the French Islands. 

372d. 1777; 26th April— letter from Messrs. d'Aunoy and Villars 
to the French government, announcing the seizure by Governor Gal- 
vez of 11 English ships richly laden and moored opposite to some of 
the plantations, and his defence to the planters under heavy penalties 
to carry on any traffic with the English. 

373d. 1777, 17th Oct. — answer of the minister to Messrs. d'Aunoy 
and Villars inviting them to continue their communications. 

374th. 1786, Versailles, 10th Feb.— letter from Mr. de Vergusnes 
on the subject of a French vessel seized in the Mississippi, and 
correspondence with the Spanish government to the same effect. 

375th. An 10th, Paris, 8th Thcrmidor — refutation by General 



PORTFOLIO NO. VII. i O 

Milford Tartamgy of an article in the Grazette de France, recommend- 
ing the cession of Louisiana to the United States. Louisiana being 
there represented as a narrow strip of moving sands, marshes, and 
bogs, etc. etc. 

376th. No date — memorial on Lower Louisiana, from Iberville to 
the sea. Void of interest. 

377th. 1769, 23d May— Mr. Aubry on the rebellion and the 
demoralization produced by paper money ; states the interference of 
Mr. Lafreni^re to prevent further disturbances ; hands the following 
documents. 

378th. 1769, Feb. — extract from the registers of the "conseil 
superieur" containing transcript of a letter dated Port au Prince, 9th 
February, 1769, and signed St. Leger, in the name of the "conseil 
souverain'^ of that place, approving the rebels in driving out of the 
country Governor Ulloa, and of another letter from the Doyen of the 
council of Port au Prince couched in nearly the same words. 

379th. An 10th, 27th Fructidor, Paris — ^letter from Mr. Laussat, 
Colonial Prefect of Louisiana, submitting several questions to the 
government. 

380th. No date — sounding of the coast of Florida; the Tortugas; 
of St. Rose Island ; of Pensacola and of Mobile, by Mr. de Iberville, 
from 1698 to 1699; at the Balize in 1733 to 6 and 7; passe h la 
Loutre 15J feet; soundings of Ship Island in 1798 by Mr. de Iber- 
ville, also of the Chandleur Islands; bay of St. Bernard in 1720, 
&c. &c. 

381st. Paris — questions upon which the attention of the govern- 
ment is particularly called. They appear to have been propounded 
by Mr. Laussat; the reimbursement to the planters of paper money 
issued by the Spanish government, and amounting to $800,000, form 
part of these queries. 

382d. No date — memorial advising the French republic to demand 
the cession of Louisiana. 

383d. 1759, 28th March — memorial on Louisiana; project pro- 
posed for the colonization of that province by Bertrand Duvernet, on 
condition of a grant of 40 leagues of land on both sides of the river 
from the city of New Orleans up. 

3S4th. 1751, August — observations on two circumstances con- 
sidered as favorable to the improvement of Louisiana; this document 
is not without interest. 

385th. 1765 to 1768, No. 1 to 170— letters of Mr. Foucault-to 
the ministers, relative to the administration. 



76 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

386th. 1760, 22d Dec. — reports of Mr. Duverger^ chief engineer, 
to Mr. Andry on fortifications directed by him. 

o87th. 1761, 8th Jan. — letter from Mr. Rochemore inclosing copy 
of the instructions to Mr. Aubry, and reporting on the fortifications 
intrusted to that ofiicer. 

388th. 1766, 1st August — memorial on Louisiana; mutility of 
that colony for France. 

389th. 1731, Jan. — Mr. de Perrier, movement of the Indians in 
Louisiana since the capture of the Natchez Fort. 

390th. 1759 — trial and confiscation of the English schooner 
^' Three Brothers," to be continued. 

391st. 1768, 16th Dec. — Mr. Aubry speaks of the disturbances 
in Louisiana, and expresses his fears. 

392d. No date — memorial touching the retrocession by the West 
India Company, to the King of France. Uninteresting. 

393d. 1760, 1st June — Rochimore, conveying statements of pre- 
sents made to the Indians. 

394th. 1768, 20th Jan. — Mr. Aubry respecting the cession to 
Spain; incloses copy of correspondence between Governor Ulloa and 
him. Void of interest. 

395th. 1753 — extracts of letters from Messrs. de Kerlerec and 
Foueault to the government, uninteresting; matters of administra- 
tion. 

396th. 1753, 23d Nov. — project of alliance with the Canices sub- 
mitted to Mr. de Kerlerec. 

397th. 1716 — ^journal of the expedition against the Natchez. 
Very interesting; the expedition was headed by Mr. de Bienville. 

398th. 1712 — diiferent projects granting to Mr. Crozat the exclu- 
sive commerce of Louisiana during 15 years. 

399th. 1752, 30th Sept.— memorial of Mr. Dubreuil Villars re- 
lative to the agriculture of Louisiana. 

400th. 1772, 13th Sept. — letter from Mr. Fazende to ministers 
stating the reasons which had prevented his accompanying the accounts 
rendered by him. 

401st. 1741, 17th March — memorial on tobacco. 

402d. 1750 — memorial on Louisiana, and project for the cultiva- 
tion of tobacco on a large scale. 

403d. 1763, 23d Nov. — process verbal of the delivery of the 
military post of Tombeckb^ to Lieutenant Thomas Ford. 

404th. 1764, 10th Jan. — Mr. d'Abbadie advises the delivery to 
the English government of Mobile, &c. 



PORxroLio NO. viir. 7 i 



PORTFOLIO NO. VIII. 



405th. No date — memorial containing the history of Louisiana^ 
since its discovery by Lasalle in 1682. It appears that nothing was 
done until after the peace of Berwick. Mr. d'Iberville at that epoch 
was intrusted with a new expedition, and was accompanied by his 
brother, Mr. de Bienville, who remained in that colony as Lieutenant- 
Governor until 1712, when Mr. de la Mo the Cadillac took chai'ge of 
the government, having been appointed Governor in the room of Mr. 
Dumerry, who Lad died daring his passage from France. Mr. Crozat 
on the 14th September, 1712, obtained by letters patent of the King, 
the exclusive privilege of the commerce of the colony; this privilege 
Mr. Crozat gave up in 1717, and in August of the same year, the 
same exclusive privilege was granted by letters patent to the West 
India Company, that company having been established by an edict of 
the King at the same time; this latter privilege was granted for 25 
years, to wit: from the 1st January, 1718, to the first December, 1842, 
and included the fur trade. The whole of this document, which 
aj)pears to have been written about the year 1730, is interesting. 

406th. No date — memorial on the same subject showing the neces- 
sity of a retrocession of the privileges of the West India Company to 
the King. 

407th. 23d Nov. 1732 — highly interesting letter from the "mission- 
naire," Mr. R. P. Baudoin, on the Tchactas nation, dated from their 
village of Tchicachee. 

408th. No date — memorial on Louisiana; Indian war; miserable 
condition of the colony. 

409th, 1740, 28th June — memorial of Mr. Dubreuil on the sub- 
ject of a canal undertaken by him one league above New Orleans, 
and of the great advantages that may be derived from the whole of 
the Barrataria district. 

410th. No date — uninteresting memorial on Louisiana. 

411th. No date — do. do. do. 

412th. 1757, 1st June — memorial on Louisiana, showing its ad- 
vantages to France. 

413th. No date — notes on the preceding memoir. 

414th. No date — memorial on the Indians of Louisiana; their 
number, and the commerce that can be carried on with them, 

415th. No date — memorial on the same subject, and very full. 



78 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

416t]i. No date — memorial containing a description of Louisiana; 
of its ports, of its soil, of its rivers, of the Indian nations, and point- 
ing out the great advantages to be derived by colonization. This 
paper is evidently of a very ancient date. 

417th. No date — general idea touching the mode of creating a 
commerce for Louisiana; the author refers to Mr. de Bienville, then 
in Paris. 

418th. No date — memorial on Louisiana, to render that colony 
flourishing ; this paper appears to have been drawn up for the West 
India Company; it is interesting. 

419th. No date — memorial to induce France to retain Louisiana; 
speaks of the several climates, and of the facilities with which it might 
be made to supply France with silk, tobacco, &c. &c., and cotton. 

420th. Memorial on the importance of Louisiana ; void of interest. 

421st. No date — letter from Mr. Baron, complaining of Governor 
Perrier. 

422d. No date — memorial on Louisiana ; contains some interest- 
ing details. This paper appears to have been written by Mr. de Ker- 
lerec. 

423d. 1749 — project for the cultivation of tobacco in Louisiana, 
and the trade in timber, by Mr. Faby. 

424th. No date — memorial pointing out the necessity of fixing the 
limits between Canada and Louisiana. 

425th. 1748, 2d Nov.— Mr. Michel opposing the reunion of 
Canada and Louisiana. 

426th. 1746, 28th August — ^journal of the voyage of a Major 
Beauchamp of Mobile, to the Tchactas nation, by order of Mr. de 
Vatidreuil, to demand satisfaction for the murder of three Frenchmen. 

427th. 1747, 28th March — observations of Mr. Augeas on the 
different soils bordering on the Mississippi. 

428th. 1746 — memorial on the situation of the colony. This paper 
is drawn up with a good deal of care. 

429th. 1754 — memorial from Messrs. Kerlerec and d'xluberville, 
recommending a floating battery at the Balize. 

430th. 1750 — memorial on the situation of the inhabitants of Louis- 
iana, and of the advantages to be derived by an importation of negroes 
to be employed in the cultivation of tobacco. 

431st. — 1749 — situation of Louisiana; a poor production. 

432d. 1750, 12th Oct. — letter from Mr. Livaudais on the changes 
produced in the passes by equinosial gales ; in the month of July 



PORTFOLIO NO. VIII. 79 

this engineer states the passes to have been S. S. E., and N. N. W., 
and at the time he was penning his report they were E. and W. 

433d. 1731, 15th Nov. — Mr. de la Boulage on Louisiana. 
. 434th. 1754, 13th Sept. — paper from Mr. Duverg6, pointing out 
the necessity of having landmarks at the Balize for vessels coming 
in ; plan proposed by him and approved by Mr. de Kerlerec. 

435th. 1738, 15th August, Paris — Mr. Courtuzur to Count de 
Maurepas, proposing the formation of a company in Louisiana. 

436th. 1739 — very able memorial on the culture of tobacco. 

437th. 1741 — paper relative to the advantages the public service 
might derive from the timber on the Barrataria. 

438th. No date — memorial of what would be required by Louis- 
iana; void of interest 

439th. 1764, 7th April — Mr. Aubry announcing the delivery to 
Great Britain of the portion of Louisiana ceded, and mentioning the 
failure of an expedition to Illinois by the English. 

440 th. 1761, 15th Dec. — ^letters in cipher of Mr. de Kerlerec 
representing the miserable condition of the colony. 



441st. 1762, 10th Feb.— 


do. 


do. ; 


giving ar 


the Indians. 








442d. 1761, 8th June— 


do. 


do. 


do. 


443d. 1761, 8th March— 


do. 


do. 


do. 


444th. 1760, 21st Dec- 


do. 


do. 


do. 



445th. 1762, 28th April— letter from Mr. de Kerlerec on the dif- 
ficulty of his position with the English Indians. 

446th. 1763, 23d Oct. — letter from de Kerlerec on the formalities 
required for the evacuation of Mobile. 

447th. 1763, 2d May — Mr. de Kerlerec acknowledging receipt of 
the King's ordinance announcing cessation of hostilities with the 
English ; speaks of the Indians who have sacrificed their all to the 
French, and who will find themselves deprived of presents. 

448th. 1762j 24th June — Mr. de Kerlerec,"* letter in ciphers com- 
plaining of frauds by the persons supplying the King's stores. 

449th. 1st March, 1765 — Mr. Aubry, on the conduct of the In- 
dians towards the English ; copy of a speech of the Chaouanan chief 
named Chariot to Mr. d'Abbadie. 

450th. 1765, 12th March— Mr. Aubry on the difficulty of his 
position, it being impossible to satisfy at the same time the Indians, 
the English; the Spaniards, and the French congregating in New Or- 
leans. 

451st. 1765, 6th May- — copy of a letter from Mr. St. Ange, com- 



80 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

mandant of Illinois, regarding the bad disposition of the Indians to- 
wards the English ; incloses several Indian speeches. 

452d. 1765, 16th May— Mr. Aubry, inclosing copy of Mr. St. 
Ange's coramunication. 

453d. 1765, 10th July — Mr. Aubry speaks of a cessation of hos- 
tilities between the English and Indians at Illinois ; inclosing several 
Indian speeches. 

45-lth. 1762, 26th July — Mr. de Kerlerec in ciphers, speaks of 
the diiSculty of his posjtion with the Cherokee Indians. 

455th. 1767, 27th Jan. — Mr. Aubry states that the British have 
taken possession of Illinois; proees verbal of the delivery of that 
section of Louisiana. 

456th. 1713, 25th Oct. — memorial submitted to the Count de Pont- 
chartrain by Mr. Duclos on Louisiana; this paper contains a good 
deal of statistical information, and a historical account of the begin- 
ning of the colony; 100 pages. 



PORTFOLIO NO. IX. 

457th. 1759, 27th Jan. — memorial on Louisiana, proposing to 
favor the emigration from Canada. 

458th. 1741, 4th Oct. — Messrs. de Bienville and Salmon, handing 
the report of Mr. Duverge on the Balize ; of the changes at different 
epochs ; refers to several charts I have not been able to discover ; this 
document is interesting. 

459th. 1725 — memorial on the navigation of Illinois. 

460th. 1728 — extract of a letter from Mr. Perrier, regarding the 
munitions of war supplied by him to the Spaniards of St. Augustine, 
and the means by him taken to prevent the English interrupting cul- 
tivation. 

461st. 1760, 17th Dec. — Mr. de Rochemore, on the sugar-cane^ 
cultivated by the Jesuits in 1744, in their gardens. 

462d. 1724, 20th May — report on the mine " de Lamothe," dis- 
tant 14 leagues from Kaskassia. 

463d. 1780, 13th Feb.— letter from Mr. Fabre Daunoy to the 
French government, announcing the expedition of Mr. de Galvez at 
the head of two thousand men for Mobile, where he is said to expect 
a reinforcement of two thousand more from Havana, the whole of the 
force then to march against Pensacola; advising the capture of the 
British possessions on the Mississippi. 



PORTFOLIO NO. IX. 81 

464th. 1752 — preliminary articles of peace between the French 
and the Cherokees, prepared by Mr. de Kerlerec. 

465th. No date — speech of Poudiak, an Indian chief, to Mr. de 
Noyau; in the same paper are several other speeches. 

466th. 1764, 15th Jan. — correspondence of Mr. d'Abbadie on the 
cession of Mobile. 

467th. 1760 — complaints of Mr. Rochemore against Messrs. de 
Kerlerec and de Macarty. 

468th. 1760— do. do. 

469th. 1737; 21st Feb. — letter from Mr. de Cremont announcing 
his arrival, and giving some details on the colony. 

470th. 1763 — correspondence of Mr. d'Abbadie on the difficult 
position of Mobile towards the Indians. 

471st. 1763, 13th Dec. — project of operations between Louisiana 
and Canada ; void of interest. 

472d. 1764— four dispatches from Mr. d'Abbadie, on the diffi- 
culties encountered in Mobile with the Indians ; correspondence on 
this subject. 

473d. 1764 — correspondence of Mr. d'Abbadie on the same sub- 
ject ; encloses copy of a letter from Mr, John Stuart of Illinois, com- 
plaining of munitions of war being supplied the Indians. 

474th. 1727, 15th Nov.— Mr. Perrier on the situation of the 
Colony. 

475th. 1702 — Memorial on Mobile and the Mississippi plan of 
Colonization. 

476th. 1749 — Mr. de Vaudreuil renders an account of the situa- 
tion of the Colony. 

477th. 1741, 25th Jan. — Mr. de Beauchamp on the Indian wars. 

478th. 1742, 15th Maxch— M. Duverge handing his "feuille de 
service." 

479th. 1742, 18th February and 28th March— Mr. de Bienville 
giving an account of the situation of the Colony. 

480th. 1742, 13th Feb. — Mr. Salmon announces the attack on a 
convoy ascending the Illinois, by the Indians, 

481st. No date — Mr. Perrier announces the defeat of the Natchez. 

482d. 1731, 5th Dec. — Messrs. Perrier and Salmon, on Louisiana 
and Illinois, details on the mines and agriculture. 

483d. 1697 — project of colonization on the Mississippi. This 
document is highly interesting. 

484th. 1759 — Mr. Rochemore, relative to his administration. 
7 



182 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

485th. 1742, 24th March — Messrs. de Bienville and Salmon. 
Report on the wax-tree. 

486th. 1765, 2d Aug. — Mr. Foucault regarding reproaches addressed 
to Mr. d'Abbadie for having granted an exclusive privilege to five or 
six merchants of trading with the Indians. States the reasons which 
had induced Mr. d'Abbadie to introduce letters of Exchange on 
France; adds that he had approved both measures which the misera- 
ble condition of the Colony had rendered of an absolute necessity 
that a friendly intercourse might be kept up with the Indians. 

487th. 1731, 24th June — Mr. Diron Dartaguette giving an account 
of an attack by the Natchez on barges ascending to the Arkansas and 
of the destruction of the Tonicas on the 13th June by the Natchez. 

488th. No date — memorial on Louisiana, showing that the first 
establishment in Louisiana was at Mobile, where a fort was built; 
the next at Biloxi, where are two copper mines; and then at New 
Orleans. Barrataria is represented as a valuable section for its tim- 
ber. The author says that at Natchitoches near the village of Cad- 
daquioux is to be found a very rich silver mine, the produce of which 
had been tried by a Portuguese, named Antoine, a miner from Mexico. 
He speaks of the emigration to Louisiana of Canadian families in 
1686; states that in 1699, Mr. d'Iberville arrived with another 
colony of Canadians, which was followed by other families headed by 
a Mr. Du Tessenet; the emigrants came by land, first ascending the 
St. Laurent to the lake Erie, then ascending a small river emptying 
itself in that lake, to the portage des miamis; their effects being 
thence transported by the Indians to the river Miamis, where pi- 
rogues, out of a single tree, and large enough to contain 30 persons, 
were built for the voyage down the Mississippi, first descending the 
Oyo. The author further points out the high lands of Manchac as 
the best place for a city, and New Orleans as a place of deposit; the 
whole of the document is interesting. 

489th. 1759, 13th Oct. — Mr. Rochemore, giving an account of 
the trial of the English sloop Texel, from Jamaica with a rich cargo, 
and of her condemnation ; states that Mr. de Kerlerec had notwith- 
standing this trial released the vessel. 

490th. 1759, 13th Oct. — the same subject. 

491st. 1685, August — Mr. de Beaujeu, on the expedition of La- 

salle which terminated his life; advises the minister to apply to Mr. 

Demanille, a priest of the Seminary of St. Sulpice, for information, 

he as well as himself having formed part of Lasalle's expedition. 

492d. No date — account of the defeat of Major Dartaguette, of 



PORTFOLIO NO. IX. 83 

his death and of that of 45 of his men; among whom there were 17 
or 18 officers; the French detachment was composed of 130 men, 38 
Iroquois, 38 Arkansas, 190 Illinois and Miami, in all 396 men. 
The expedition left Illinois on the 20th February, 1736, reached the 
Chicachas country on the 24th March, and attacked them on the 
same day; they were abandoned by the Illinois and Miami, which 
compelled Dartaguette to retreat, hence the defeat and heavy loss 
sustained. 

493d. 1736, 26th May — interesting account by Du Tertre of the 
attack of the French to the number of 7 to 800 men of the fortified 
village of the Chicachas, on a hill at about 250 leagues from New 
Orleans. The French being defeated with a loss of 120 men; fortifi- 
cations described; surrounded by timber one cubic foot placed circu- 
larly with three rows of loopholes; the Chicachas were bedded to 
the stomach in the earth, observed the greatest silence, and suffered 
the French to approach within good musket shot before firing; their 
first fire killed 50 men, the second 30, &c. 

494th. 1733, 19th March — plan of the Ursulines Convent, (signed) 
"Broutin." 

495 th. 1734, 15th March— plan of Mobile, (signed) "Devin." 

496th. 1702 — objections to plan proposed by Mr. d'Iberville, to 
invite the Illinois and Scioux to emigrate to the Mississippi. 

497th. 1702 — memorial on the Mississippi and Mobile; reasons 
of Mr. d'Iberville for giving the preference to Mobile; among others 
the impossibility of forming a military establishment at the mouth 
of the Mississippi; population of Mobile 139, to wit: 9 officers, 24 
sailors, 2 couriers, 14 workmen, 64 Canadians, 26 soldiers. 

498th. 1741, 5th May — interestiug report of Mr. Duverge, civil 
engineer. 

499th. 1740, 5th May — Mr. Duverge on his discovery of a road 
from New Orleans to Illinois, through the Chicachas nation; com- 
plains of the treatment of certain officers towards him. 

500. 1738, 26th April — ^journal of Mr. Duverge during his voyage 
to recognize the Chicachas road; accompanied by a plan, which is 
not to be found. 

501st. 1736, 19th Sept. — Mr. Duverg6 complaining of the con- 
duct of the government towards him. 

502d. 1734, 4th May — Mr. Duverge complaining of being with- 
out commission as engineer. 

503d. 1733, 9th August — Mr. Duverge on the same subject; all 
his letters possess more or less information. 



84 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

504th. 1736, 13th Sept.— Mr. de Bienville on the Indians. 

505th. 1731, 30th Nov. — memorial of Mr. St. Denis, on the 
means to protect the country against the insults of the Indians, &c.; 
void of interest. 

506th. 1731, 30th Nov.—Mr. St. Denis, bitter complaints of the 
abandonment of the colony by the government. 

507th. 1736, 29th May— Mr. de Bienville on the Indians. 

508th. 1735, 16th Sept. — Messrs. de Bienville and Salmon on 
the Indians. 

509th. 1736— do. do. on the Chicachas. 

510th. 1745, 1st April — Mr. de Laye, presenting a plan of cam- 
paign against the Chicachas, and to destroy their fort. 

511th. 1750 — memoranda for the King, extracted from the corre- 
spondence of Mr. de Vaudreuil on the Indians. 

512th. 1759, 30th June — correspondence between Messrs. Koche- 
more and de Kerlerec, on the necessity of emitting paper money to 
pay the officers of the King. 

513th. No date — miserable condition of the colony, plans proposed; 
mere repetitions. 

514th. 1726 — agreement with Mr. Basiu, a miner and a drawer; 
memoranda of tools required to work the mines. 

515 th. 1729 — memorial on the changes it would be advisable to 
make in the administration of the West India Company; this docu- 
ment is interesting, as it shows the whole organization of the com- 
pany. 

516th. 1722, 1st July — Mr. Chassin, of Illinois, interesting 
details on the mines; speaks of siver coins and plates brought by 
the Indians trading with Mexico. 

517th. 1723, 21st Sept.— Mr. Purry to the Duke d'Orleans, pray- 
ing that he be permitted to have his memoir on Louisiana printed, 
and oflfering to prove that there is no country in France or Europe 
equal to Louisiana, and that none but ignorants and traitors can have 
a different opinion. 

518th. 1725 — memorial of Hubert on Louisiana, drawn up by 
order of the Duke of Noailles. 

519th. 1722, 9th Dec. — memorial of Drouet de Valdeterre on 
Louisiana, presents a complete organization. 

520th. 1720, 25th Dec. — interesting memorial on Louisiana, Ber- 
nard de la Harpe. 

521st. 1717, 5th July — propositions by the West India Company 
to the navy council, and memorial to that effect. 



PORTFOLIO NO. IX. 85 

Three large and well bound minute books, to wit : Vol. I., 1712 to 
1720, contents : 

1st. Letters patent granted by the King to Mr. Crozat for the ex- 
clusive commerce of Louisiana, dated " Fontainebleau, 14th Sep- 
tember, 1712." Privileges of Mr. Crozat, returned to the King 23d 
August, 1717. Letters patent in the form of an edict creating the 
West India Company in August, 1717 ; exclusive privileges granted 
to that company for 25 years, to begin 1st January, 1718, and to 
close in December, 1742. 

Instructions by the company; its administrative acts; organization 
prepared in Paris ; appointments by the King of officers recommended 
by the company. 

This book of record was kept by the company. 

Vol. II. 1721 to 1731, contents : 

1st September, 1721, concession of lands to Mr. de Boisbriant. 

16th May, 1722, ordinance in behalf of the Capuchins for an estab- 
lishment in Louisiana. 

19th December, 1722, ordinance relative to the Capuchins. 

December, 1722, Mr. Delachaise appointed by the King with 
extraordinary powers, to investigate the whole of the West India 
Company's affairs in Louisiana. 

January, 1724, presentation by the King of Mr. Delachaise to ful- 
fill the functions of first counselor in the conseil sup^rieur of Louis- 
iana. 

January 11th, 1724, letters patent giving admission to Mr. Dela- 
chaise in the conseil superieur of Louisiana. 

February, 1724, Brevet permitting Mr. Delachaise to accept the 
appointment of honorary counselor in the " conseil de la Regie of 
Louisiana," 

July 5th, 1725, Brevet permitting the establishment of the Capu- 
chins in Louisiana. 

September 13th, 1726, treaty with the Ursulines. 

September 18th, 1726, Brevet in favor of the Ursulines. Decree 
regulating the concessions granted, and to be hereafter granted in 
Louisiana, &c. &c. • 

Vol. III., contents : 

Edicts; letters patent; declarations; decrees; ordinances and rules 
concerning Louisiana. 

From 24th September, 1712, to 27th August, 1746, edicts, letters 
patent, declarations, ordinances and decrees of the council of state, 
ordinances and rules of governors, and decrees and rules of the " con- 



86 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

sell sup^rieur" concerning Louisiana^ from 23d January, 1731, on 
which day the West India Company surrendered its government to 
the King, to 27th August, 1746. 

Declaration of the King of 17th July, 1743, regarding the judg- 
ments to be rendered in land contestations, and on the subject of land 
concessions to be granted in the colony. 

In the " BiBLiOTHEQUE DU Koi," Paris, No. 650. " Eolation ou 
annale veritable de ce qui s'est pass6 dans le Pays de la Louisiane, 
pendant 22 ann^es, par Perricaul," (from 1700 to 1722,) small 
quarto, methodically written and divided into chapters, 374 pages. 

No. 1074. " Journal du voyage de la Louisiane, fait par le Sr. 
Bernard de la Harpe, et des decouvertes qu'il a faites dans la partie 
de I'ouest de cette colonic," (in the year from 1718 to 1722 inclu- 
sive.) Large folio, 160 pages. 

No. 628. Sup. fi. (same volume as the above.) "Journal du 
voyage fait par deux frigates du Roy, la Pradine command^e par Mr. 
d'Iberville, et le Marin par Mr. le Chevalier de Surg^res, qui par- 
tirent de Brest le 24 Oct. 1698." Large folio, 86 pages. 

There are several other interesting letters and papers relating to 
Louisiana, in the same volume, and at the same period ; also a manu- 
script map of the Mississippi river, dated 1700. 

In this map the Red river is called Sablonnilre, the Arkansas, 
Tonti, and the Missouri, Rivw-e des Osages. You will also receive 
by this opportunity copies of two very interesting documents. 

1st. 1st September, 1769, letter of Governor Aubry to his govern- 
ment, giving a full account of the occurrences in New Orleans on the 
arrival of Governor O'Reilly, of his participation in the arrest and 
condemnation of Messrs. de la Frenike and others ; of the means used 
to bring the conspirators together at the government house, where they 
suddenly found themselves surrounded by a body of grenadiers, at the 
close of a speech of Governor O'Reilly, which is given at full length 
in said letter. 

2d. Records of the trial and condemnation of Messrs. Nicolas 
Lafreni^re, Jean Baptiste Noyan, Balthazar Mazan, Pierre Marquis, 
Joseph Viller^, Pierre Carr^re, Pierre Hardi de Boisblanc, Joseph 
Petit, Jean Milhet, Joseph Milhet, Pierre Poupet, Julien Jerome 
Doucet, Foucault et Bienville, whereby it appears that Pierre Mar- 
quis was commander-in-chief: that his project was to establish a Re- 
public similar to that of Switzerland, and a bank under the name 
of the '' Mont de piete ;" that this bank was put in operation under 
the direction of Mr. Hardy de Boisblanc; that a form of government 



PORTFOLIO NO. IX. 87 

had been prepared; that previous to his arrest, Marquis had thrown 
it into the fire ; that on the 20th Oct. 1769, the accused were found 
guilty of high treason ; that on the 24th Governor O'Reilly approved 
the sentence, condemning Messrs. Nicolas Chauvin Lafreniere, Jean 
Baptiste Noyan, Pierre Carrere, Pierre Marquis and Joseph Milhet, 
to be hung. And declaring infamous the memory of Mr. Villerd, 
(killed in prison.) Also condemning Mr. Joseph Petit to perpetual 
imprisonment in one of the strong castles of his Catholic Majesty. 
Messrs. Balthazar Mazan and Julien Jerome Doucet, to 10 years' im- 
prisonment ; and Messrs. Pierre Hardy de Boisblanc, Jean Milhet et 
Pierre Poupet to six years' imprisonment ; ordering all the papers, 
documents, &c., found in the possession of the conspirators to be 
burned upon the public place by the public executioner, and confisca- 
ting the whole of their property in favor of the crown. That on the 
25th Oct. the Licentiate Felix del Rey informed Grovernor O'Reilly 
oflBcially that the above sentence could not be carried into execution 
because a hangman was not to be found in the country. That on the 
same day Grovernor O'Reilly ordered the conspirators condemned to 
death to be shot. That on the 26th October, 1769, at 3 o'clock P. 
M., Messrs. Nicolas Chauvin Lafreniere, Pierre Marquis, Joseph Mil- 
het, Jean Baptiste Noyan, and Pierre Carrere, with their arms well 
secured by ropes, were taken out of the barracks of the Regiment of 
Lisbon, where they had been imprisoned, and conducted under a strong 
escort of officers and grenadiers, to the place designated for their exe- 
cution, where a large number of troops had been formed into a square, 
that their sentence was there read to them in the French language, 
immediately after which they were shot. That on the same day all 
the seditious papers found among the conspirators were burned on the 
public square. That on the following day Messrs. Joseph Petit, 
Balthazar Mazan, Julien Jerome Doucet, Pierre Hardy de Bois- 
blanc, Jean Milhet, et Pierre Poupet, were shipped to the Havana 
to be confined in the Moro Castle. 



A TRANSLATION 



ORIGINAL LETTER 



HERNANDO DE SOTO 



CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 



A TRANSLATION OF AN ORIGINAL LETTER 



HEENANDO DE SOTO 



HERNANDO DE SOTO TO THE MUNICIPAL AUTHORI- 
TIES OF ST. JAGO DE CUBA. 

Most noble Sirs : 

Since my arrival in this country, I have written three letters by 
different opportunities to Havana, and without being honored with 
a reply to either, I embrace this occasion to address you another, be- 
lieving it will always be agreeable to you to hear from me. I sailed 
from Havana with my fleet on Sunday, May 18th,* although I had 
written you I would not weigh anchor before the 25th. I set sail 
sooner than I had intended, in order to profit by a favorable wind. 
We had no sooner, however, entered the Gulf than we were becalmed, 
which prevented us from reaching this coast before Whitsunday the 
25th. We missed our port by five or six leagues through the care- 
lessness of the pilots, which obliged me to embark on board of one 
of the brigantines to go in search of it, which detained me three days 
more. But another cause of this delay was my ignorance of the 
channel, which led me into a bay some twelve leagues or more in- 
land, from which I found it difl&cult to extricate myself. This loss of 
time, therefore, obliged me to send Vasco Parcallo de Figueroa, my 
lieutenant-general, with the brigantines to take possession of a village 
at the foot of the bay, and I ordered him to land all the troops and 
horses there, where I afterwards joined him, with some difficulty, on 
Trinity Sunday. The Indians became frightened, and deserted the 

• Garcilaso de la Vega, the Inca, says the 25th of May, 1539, 



92 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

country, so that in a distance of thirty leagues or more we did not 
meet with a human being. 

As soon as I landed I was informed that a Christian was in the 
power of a cacique of the country. I accordingly dispatched Baltasar 
de Gallegos with forty horsemen and as many foot soldiers, to bring 
him into camp. After marching a day's journey he overtook the 
Christian in company with eight or ten Indians, who were coming to 
me. I was much pleased with this good fortune, for this man knew the 
language of the country, although he had almost forgotten his own. 
His name is Juan Ortiz, a gentleman of Seville. I afterwards went 
in person to the cacique of this province, and learned from him that 
his intentions were entirely pacific. I then dispatched Baltasar de 
Gallegos with eighty lancers and one hundred foot soldiers, to recon- 
noitre the country. He found it cultivated with fields of Indian 
corn, beans, pumpkins, and other vegetables, sufficient for the sup- 
ply of a large army. Having arrived at a cacique's called Hurri- 
pacuxi,* who is the chief of several provinces, I negotiated with him 
a treaty of peace, which he broke very soon after. I had him imme- 
diately arrested, with seventeen others, among whom were several old 
men, who were influential with the Indians, and acquainted with the 
interior of the country. They told me that after three days' journey 
I would come to a country well peopled and cultivated, and to a large 
city called Aquerra; and after two more days' we should reach ano- 
ther city called Ocale, where it would be pleasant for us to spend the 
winter. 

They related to me so many improbable things about its magnifi- 
cence, that I dare not repeat them all to you. They said we should 
find here all kinds of poultry, and deer Guayliacos enclosed in parks. 
Besides persons who carried on a brisk trade with them in gold and 
pearls, which were found in their province in great quantities. I 
trust in G-od it may be so, for I have threatened to punish them if 
they attempt to deceive me. The Christian has so far rendered me 
very important services. Indeed I do not know what would have 
become of us if we had not been so fortunate as to have met with 
him. I constantly return thanks to God for his watchful care over 
us. There are still at sea eighty foot soldiers in the brigantines. 
My general has taken forty horsemen with him, for the purpose of 
assisting Juan d'Anasco, who has surprised a large body of Indians. 
When he returns I shall go into winter quarters at Ocale, where I 

• The Urribacuxi of Vega. 



TRANSLATION OF AN ORIGINAL LETTER OP HERTfl^DO DE SOTO. 93 

hope to find all that my army should stand in need of. I hope that 
God will prosper this expedition for his service, and that I may ever 
be found useful to my country. In spite of the arduous duties I have 
to perform, I can never forget my country, and the many obligations 
I am under to my friends. I am indeed sorry it is not in my power 
to greet them in person. I beg of you to continue to govern the coun- 
try well, for which I shall never cease to thank you. As it regards 
the fort which was commenced before my departure, I wish you to 
have it finished, as the time may come when it will be useful for the 
defence of the city. I now pray Grod to keep your lordships from all 
harm, and prosper your undertakings. I subscribe myself in this city 
and port of Saint Esprit, in the province of Florida, this ninth day of 
July, 1539, 

Your lordships' obedient servant, 

HERNANDO DE SOTO. 



A TRANSLATION 



OP A 



RECENTLY DISCOVERED MANUSCRIPT JOURNAL 



EXPEDITION OF HEEMNDO M SOTO 



FLORIDA. 



BY LUIS HERNANDEZ DE BIEDMA. 



A NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION 



HERNANDO DE SOTO. 

BY 

LUIS HERNANDEZ DE BIEDMA, 

{Faeteur de sa Majeste.) 
PRESENTED TO THE KING AND COUNCIL OF THE INDIES, 1544.» 



Having arrived at the Port of Baya Honda,f we landed six hun- 
dred and twenty men, and two hundred and twenty-three horses. As 
soon as we had done so, we were informed by one of the Indians we 
had captured, that a (Jhristian\ was living a few leagues off, who 
had served in the expedition of Pamfile de Narvaez. The cacique 
of this province on hearing we had landed, asked the Christian if he 
wished to return to us. He answered him in the affirmative, and im- 
mediately sent him, with nine Indians, to our camp. His Hody was 
naked, and in his hand he had a bow and arrows. As soon as we 
perceived them coming we took them for spies, and marched out to 
meet them, but they fled in every direction. The horsemen dashed 
after them and wounded one of the Indians, and would have killed 
the Christian if he had not invoked " the Virgin Mary," and made 
signs that he was a Christian, for he had almost forgotten to speak our 
language. He was immediately conducted to the governor. He 

• This narrative was presented, says Munoz, to the King and Council of the 
Indies in 1544, by Luis Hernandez de Biedma, who accompanied the expe- 
dition in the capacity of "Faeteur de sa Majeste" and has been but very recently 
discovered in Spain. 

t The Espiritu Santo of Vega, and now called Tampa Bay. 

J Juan Ortiz, a gentleman of Seville. 



98 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

stated that lie bad been twelve years among the Indians, and spoke 
their language perfectly; but that be was unacquainted with the 
country, and was unable to tell us anything about it, except that 
there was no gold in it. 

We now set out from the Port of Baya Honda, to penetrate the 
interior of the country, with all the troops except twenty-six horse- 
men and sixty foot soldiers, which we left behind to defend the fort, 
until they should receive orders from the governor to join him. We 
marched in a westerly direction, and then north-east. We heard of a 
cacique who received tribute from all the nations. His name was 
Hurri^mcuxij^ and lived about twelve leagues from the coast. We 
continued to march across swamps and rivers for fifteen or twenty 
leagues, and reached a village about which we had been told strange 
stories. Among others, they pretended that when the inhabitants 
shouted aloud, the birds flying in the air would fall dead to the ground. 
We arrived at a small village called Eto-cale.'\ Here we found 
some Indian corn, beans, and little dogs, which was not a meal for our 
hungry army. We remained here seven or eight days, during which 
time we made an attempt to entrap some Indians, to serve us as guides 
to the province of Apalache. We then set out in the direction of 
New Spain, marching ten or twelve leagues from the coast. After 
five or six days' journey, we passed some hamlets, and arrived at a 
village called Aquacalecuen, when we found the Indians had fled to the 
woods. 

We remained here five or six days to procure guides, and took with 
us ten or twelve women, one of whom informed us that she was the 
daughter of a cacique, who afterwards joined us. After six or seven 
days' journey, we met a hundred and fifty Indians armed with bows and 
arrows, who were watching an opportunity to rescue the cacique we 
had brought with us. We killed a few and captured others ; among 
the latter were some who were acquainted with the interior of the coun- 
try. We then passed a river, and crossed a country called VeacMle, 
where we found a great many deserted villages. We came to a vil- 
lage called Aquile,'l on the frontier of the province of Apalache, and 
separated from Veachile by a river,§ over which we thi-ew a bridge of 
rafts tied together. We crossed it with difficulty, for the Indians 
had posted themselves on the opposite bank, and fought with great 

* The Urriha cuxi of Vega. 

f Near the Suwanee. 

J Supposed to be a village of that name now south of the Allachua prairie. 

f Supposed to be the Suwanee River. 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 99 

bravery. We marched to the village of Ivi-ta-clmco,^' but as soon as 
the Indians saw us, they set fire to their village and fled. The pro- 
vince of Apalaclie contains many villages, but we found provisions 
very scarce there. From Apalache we marched to the province of 
Yustaga. The governor now thought it time to hear from those he 
had left behind at Baya Honda, as it was not his intention to advance 
so far into the country as to render it impossible to have any commu- 
nication with them. 

We had now traveled one hundred and ten leagues. The governor 
went in seax'ch of the sea, which was nine leagues distant. We had 
now come to that part of the coast where Pamfile de Narvaez had 
built his vessels. We recognized the spot on which he had built his 
smithy, and saw a great quantity of horses' bones scattered about.-}- 
The Indians told us the Christians had built their vessels here. As 
soon as Juan d'Anasco had marked the trees on the shore, the go- 
vernor ordered him to go to Baya Honda, and send forward the troops 
he had left there, and to return himself by sea with the brigan tines 
to Apalache. As soon as the brigantines had arrived, the governor 
sent them again to sea, under the command of the Chevalier Fran- 
cisco Maldonado de Salamanca, to find a port to the East. He 
coasted along shore until he reached a bay| which had a good harbor. 
On the bank of a river was an Indian village, some of whom came to 
trade with him. He spent two months in making this exploration. 
As soon as he returned, the governor ordered him to take the brigan- 
tines, on board of which was Donna Isabella de Bobadilla, to Havana, 
and on his arrival there, to set sail again with them to the river 
Saint Esprit, where he agreed to meet him in six months, if he should 
not hear from him sooner. § 

As soon as the brigantines had set sail for Cuba, we began our 
march to the north, and journeyed five days through a desert until 
we came to a large and rapid river, which we crossed over in boats. 

This province is called AcapacMqui.\\ We observed some vil- 

* The Vitachuco of Vega. 

■j- Supposed to be the site of the present town of St. Marks, where Pamfile 
de Narvaez embarked the miserable remnant of his troops, on the 22d Septem- 
ber, 1528, to return to Spain. 

J Supposed to be Pensacola Bay, the Achusi of Vega. 

§ In the following year (1542) Maldonado returned to the Port of Achusi 
(Pensacola), to communicate with De Soto, but not finding liim there he returned 
to Havana. 

II The Capachiqui of Vega. 



100 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

lages, but as the country was covered witli very extensive swamps, 
we could not explore them. The Indian huts in this province were 
differently constructed from those we had previously seen. They were 
dug in the ground, and resembled caverns, while those we had passed 
were above ground, and covered with branches of palm trees and 
straw. We continued our march until we came to two rivers, which 
we crossed by making rafts of pine trees, and entered a province called 
Otoa^, where we found a much larger village than we had yet seen. 
We captured some Indians, to serve us as guides and interpreters. 
We took five or six days to cross this country to a province called 
OMsi.-f From Chisi we went to a province called Attapaha. Here 
we found a river which flowed towards the south, like those we had 
already passed, and emptied into the sea where Vasquez de Ayllon 
had landed. This province is well peopled. The governor questioned 
the Indians about the province of CofitacMqui.^ They told him it 
was impossible to get there, as there were no roads, nor provisions 
of any kind which he could obtain, and that he must die of hunger if 
he attempted it. 

Nevertheless, we continued our march until we came to some caciques 
( Ocute and Oofoque), who gave us some provisions, and told us that if 
we would declare war against the Queen of Cofitachiqui,^ they would 
furnish us with all that we needed on the road, and warned us that 
they had no communication with her, as they were at war with her. 
Seeing that we were resolved on going there, they furnished us with 
eight hundred Indians to carry our provisions and baggage, and guides 
who took us in an easterly direction, but after three days we found 
them deceiving us, nor did we know which road to take to this pro- 
vince. The governor sent men in different directions to find a road, 
and gave them each ten days to go and come, with orders to report 
any villages which they might see. Those who went in the direction 
of south, and south-east, returned four days after, and reported they 
had found a little hamlet, and some provisions. They brought with 
them some Indians, who understood our guides, which was very fortu- 
nate for us, as we had but few interpreters. We immediately marched 
for this hamlet, to wait there until the messengers who had gone in 
the other direction could join us. Here we found fifty fanegas of In- 

• The Aute of Vega. 

■f The Chisca of Vega. 

J Supposed to be about the head waters of the Savannah River. 

§ The Copachiqui of Vega. 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 101 

dian corn, some wheat, and a great many mulberry trees, and other 
wild fruit. As soon as the other messengers came we set out for the 
village of OofitacMqui, which was twelve days' journey from this 
hamlet, situated on the banks of a river, which we took for the Saint 
Helene.* 

When we arrived, the queen sent us one of her nieces, in a litter 
carried by Indians- She sent the governor a present of a necklace of 
beads, canoes to cross the river with, and gave us half the village to 
lodge in. The governor opened a large temple built in the woods, in 
which was buried the chiefs of the country, and took from it a quantity 
of pearls, amounting to six or seven arrobes, which were spoiled by 
being buried in the ground. We dug up two Spanish axes, a chaplet 
of wild olive seed, and some small beads, resembling those we had 
brought from Spain for the purpose of trading with the Indians. We 
conjectured they had obtained these things by trading with the com- 
panions of Vasquez de Ayllon. The Indians told us the sea was only 
about thirty leagues distant. They also informed us that Vasquez de 
Ayllon had not penetrated far into the country, but had mostly fol- 
lowed the sea shore, until his death. That a large number of his 
soldiers died of hunger, and out of six hundred who had landed in 
this country with him, only fifty-seven had escaped. 

We remained ten or twelve days in the queen's village, and then set 
out to explore the country. We marched in a northerly direction 
eight or ten days, through a mountainous country, where there was 
but little food, until we reached a province called Xuala,'\ which was 
thinly inhabited. J We then ascended to the source of the great river, 
which we supposed was the Saint Esprit. At the village of Guasuli, 
they gave us a great many dogs, and some corn to eat, which served 
us until we reached a village called Ghisca,^ where we found an 
abundance of provisions. It is built on an island in the Saint 
Esprit river, and near its source. || The Indians live here in walled 
villages, and make a great deal of oil from nuts. We remained here 
twenty-six or seven days, to rest our horses, which had become very 

* Supposed to be in the Cherokee country, and probably the Hiwassee or Ten- 
nessee River. 

t The most northern point of De Soto's travels, and probably in the latitude 
of 35° N. 

J Supposed to be the mountainous country of the Cherokees. 

§ Supposed to be in the country of the Chicachas. 

II Supposed to be the Flint or Apalachicola River. 



102 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

thin. We continued our marcli along this river,* until we arrived 
in the province of Costehe, where the villages were likewise built on 
the islands of the river. The province of Coca is one of the best 
countries we have seen in Florida. The cacique came to meet us, 
borne in a litter, and accompanied by a numerous train. But the 
next morning his followers deserted him. We kept the cacique a 
prisoner until he agreed to furnish us with Indians to carry our bag- 
gage. In this country we found prunes resembling those of Spain, 
and vines which produced excellent grapes. 

Leaving this province we marched west and south-west, for five or 
six days. We passed a great number of villages, and at the end of 
that time we entered the province called Itallsi. The inhabitants fled 
in every direction ; but the cacique came soon after, and presented us 
with twenty-six or seven women, and some deer skins. We then pro- 
ceeded south, and passing through some villages, we arrived in the 
province of Tascalusa^ whose cacique was of such a height that we 
took him for a giant. On arriving at his village we gave him a tour- 
nament, and offered him other amusements, of which he took no notice. 
We requested him to give us some Indians to carry our baggage, 
which he refused with a sneer. The governor then took him a pri- 
soner, which greatly enraged him, and was the cause of his treachery 
to us afterwards. He told us that he could not give us anything here, 
but we must go to his village, called Mavila, where he would furnish 
him with all the provisions we stood in need of. We came to a large 
river which empties into the bay called GJmse.'l The Indians in- 
formed us that Narvaez's vessels had touched here for water, and left 
a Christian called Teodoro, who was still among the Indians. They 
showed us a poigtiard which had belonged to him. We took two days 
to construct a raft to cross the river. In the meantime the Indians 
killed one of the governor's guard. The governor punished the cacique 
for it, and threatened to burn him alive if he did not deliver up the 
murderers. He then promised to deliver them up at Mavila. This 
cacique had a number of servants with him. He had one to brush off 
the flies, and another to carry a sunshade. 

We arrived at Mavila^ at nine o'clock in the morning. It was a 

* Probably the Coosa River. 
* t This province probably gave name to the River Tuscaloosa in Alabama. 
J Pensacola Bay, the Achusi of Vega. 
■^ § This town, the Mauvila of Vega, is supposed to have stood on the north 
side of the Alabama, about the junction of that river with the Tombecbe, about 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 103 

village built on a plain, and surrounded by strong walls. On the 
outside the Indians had pulled down their huts, so as not to embarrass 
them. Some of the chiefs met us and told us we could encamj) on 
the plain, but the governor preferred going with them into the town. 
We saw only three or four hundred Indians, who entertained us with 
dancing and feasting, but there was hid in the town five or six thou- 
sand men, to surprise us. After the dancing was over the cacique 
retired into one of his huts. The governor requested him to come 
out, which he refused to do. The captain of the governor's guard 
went in after him, and found it filled with warriors, armed with bows 
and arrows. He reported to the governor what he had seen, and 
told him that he suspected they were going to commit some treason. 
The governor then sent for another cacique, who also refused to come. 
The Indians now began to shoot their arrows from the loopholes in 
their houses, while others discharged them from the outside. We 
were not upon our guard, as we had supposed them friends, and con- 
sequently we suffered severely. We retreated to the outside of the 
village. Our baggage remained where it had been thrown down, and 
as soon as the Indians discovered we had fled, they shut the gates of 
the village, and commenced to pillage our baggage. 

The governor ordered sixty or eighty horsemen to arrange them- 
selves into four platoons, and attack the village in four difierent places. 
He directed the first who should enter the village to set fire to the 
houses, while the rest of the soldiers were ordered not to let any 
escape. We fought from morning till night, without a single Indian 
asking for quarters. When night came, only three Indians were found 
left guarding the twenty women who had danced before us. Two of 
these were killed, and the other, ascending a tree, took the string from 
his bow and hung himself from one of the limbs. We lost twenty 
men killed, and had two hundred and fifty wounded.* During the 
night we dressed the wounded with the fat of the slain Indians, be- 
cause our medicine was burnt with the baggage. We remained here 
twenty-seven or eight days, until the wounded could recover. We 
then departed, taking with us the women, whom we distributed among 
the wounded to nurse them. 

The Indians had told us we were more than forty leagues from the 

one hundred miles from Pensacola. There is Hltle doubt that it gave the name 
to the present river and bay of Mobile. 

* Garcilaso de la Vega states the loss of the Spaniards to be eighty-two, and 
the Indians above eleven thousand. 



104 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

sea. We desired the governor to approach it, so that we might get 
some news from the brigantines, hut he dared not do it, as it was now 
already in the middle of NoYember, and he wished to find a country 
where there were provisions, and could go into winter quarters. We 
marched north ten or twelve days, sufifering intensely from the cold^ 
until at length we reached a fertile province, where we went into win- 
ter quarters. The cold here is greater than in Spain. This province 
is called Chicaca* The Indians defended the rivers we had to cross, 
but afterwards they fled to the woods. In seven or eight days after, 
the cacique sent envoys to the governor. They were well received by 
him, and he sent word to the cacique to present himself. The cacique 
came in a litter, and brought with him rabbits, and whatever he could 
procure in the country, to give us to eat. At night we surprised some 
Indians who pretended they had come into our camp to see how we 
slept. Suspecting their motives we increased our guards. As these 
Indians knew how we had placed our guards, three hundred entered 
the village and set fire to it. They killed fifty-seven horses, three 
hundred hogs, and thirteen or fourteen of our men, and afterwards fled. 
We remained here the next day, in a very bad condition. We had 
a few horses left, but we had no saddles, lances, or shields, for all had 
been burnt. In five days after, the Indians renewed the attack. They 
marched to battle in great order, and attacked us on three sides. 
We went out to meet them, and put them to flight. We sojourned 
here two months, during which time we made saddles, lances, and 
shields, after which we marched to the north-west, until we reached 
the province of AUhamo.-f Here the Indians had built a strong pali- 
sade, and had three hundred men to defend it, with orders to die 
rather than to let us pass through. As soon as we perceived the 
warriors behind the palisade, we thought they had provisions, or some- 
thing valuable behind it. We were in great want of provisions, and 
knew that we had to cross a great desert before we could find any. 
We, therefore, arranged ourselves into two divisions, and attacked the 
enemy. We carried the palisade, but we lost seven or eight men, and 
had twenty-five wounded. We found enough provisions behind the 
palisade to last us our journey of ten or twelve days through the 
desert. The wounded and sick gave us a great deal of trouble, and on 
the last day we very unexpectedly entered a village called Quiz Quiz.'^ 

• Supposed to be the country of the Chicasavvs. 

■j" This province gave its name to the Alabama River. 

J The Chisca of Garcilaso de la Vega. 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 105 

The people here were poor and miserable, and were working their corn 
jfields when we entered it. The village was built on the banks of the 
Saint JEJsprit. It was tributary, like many others, to the sovereign of 
JPacaha. 

We left the village to encamp on the banks of the river. Here we 
found the Indians had gathered to dispute our passage. They had 
with them a great number of canoes. We remained here twenty- 
eight or nine days, and built four large pirogues, capable of containing 
seventy or eighty men each, and five or six horses. In the meantime, 
every day at three o'clock in the afternoon, the Indians got into two 
hundred and fifty canoes, dressed with flags, and approached our side 
of the river to shoot their arrows at us, but as soon as we had finished 
our pirogues they made a precipitate retreat. The river* here was 
about a league wide, and from nineteen to twenty fathoms deep. We 
ascended this river to the province of Pacaha, but before we arrived 
there we came to another province, whose sovereign was named Yeas- 
qui. He came to us and professed a great deal of friendship, but he 
was at war with the nation we had just left. He was well received by 
the governor, and that night we encamped on a plain in sight of his 
village, where we remained two days. The caciques of this country 
make a custom of raising, near their dwellings, very high hills, on 
which they sometimes build their huts. On one of these we planted 
the cross, and went with much devotion on our knees to kiss the foot 
of it. On the same evening we returned to our camp, and on the 
following morning we set out for Pacaha. We journeyed two days, 
and reached a village in the midst of a plain surrounded by walls, 
and a ditch filled with water, which had been made by the Indians. 
We approached it cautiously, and when we got near it, we saw the 
inhabitants going off. We entered it without any trouble, and took 
a few Indians. While we remained here the cacique whom we had 
left behind us joined us, with a numerous troop of Indians, and offered 
to assist us. The governor received him graciously, and presented 
him with all the treasures we had found in the village, after which he 
went away quietly. 

We remained at this village twenty-six or seven days, anxious to 
learn if we could take the northern route, and cross to the South Sea. 
We then marched north-east, where we were told we would find large 
towns. We traveled eight days through swamps, after which we met 
a troop of Indians, who lived under movable tents. They informed 

• The Mississippi River. 



106 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

US that there were other tribes like themselves, who pitched their tents 
wherever they found deer, and carried their tents and provisions with 
them on their backs from place to place. "We next came to the pro- 
vince of Calusi. The natives attend but little to the cultivation of 
land, and live principally on fish and game. Seeing there was no way 
of reaching the South Sea, we returned towards the north, and after- 
wards in a south-west direction, to a province called Quigata^ where 
we found the largest village we had yet seen in all our travels. It 
was situated on one of the branches of a great river. "We remained 
here six or eight days to procure guides and interpreters, with the 
intention of finding the sea. The Indians informed us there was a 
province eleven days ofi", where they killed bufialoes, and where we 
could find guides to conduct us to the sea. 

"We set out for this province, which they called Goligua.\ There 
was no road leading to it, and every day brought us to a swamp, where 
we feasted on fish. We then crossed vast plains and high mountains, 
when suddenly we came to the town of Coligua, where we found an 
abundance of provisions, and a quantity of dry hides. We inquired 
here for other villages, and they directed us to go west and south- 
west, and we should find them. We accordingly followed their direc- 
tion, and came to some scattered villages bearing the name of Tatel 
Goya. Here we found a large river,| emptying into the Rio Grande. 
We were told that if we were to ascend this river we should find a 
large province called Gayas.^ We repaired thither, and found it 
a mountainous country, and composed of populous villages. We then 
set out for the province of Tula\\ to go into winter quarters. But 
before reaching it, we had to cross very high mountains. We came 
to an Indian village, where they defended themselves so bravely that 
we lost seven or eight men, and as many horses. The following morn- 
ing the governor took guides, and ordered the troops to be in readi- 
ness to march to the next province, which the Indians called Quipana, 
situated at the foot of very high mountains. From thence we turned 
towards the east, and crossing these mountains we descended into an 
inhabited plain, favorable to our designs, and where there was a large 

* Supposed to be near Little Rock, Arkansas. 

"f" The Coligoa of Vega, supposed to have been situated towards the sources 
of the St. Francis, or the hills of the White River. 

J Probably the St. Francis. 

§ Supposed to have been the country of the Quapaws. 

II Supposed to have been the country between the Washita and the Little 
S'lissouri. 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 107 

village built on the banks of a river,* wbicb emptied into the great 
river we had passed. This province was called Vicanque. Here we 
went into winter quarters, and suffered so much from the cold and 
snow that we thought we should all have perished. 

The Christianf whom we took, and who had served us as an inter- 
preter, died in this place. In the beginning of IMarch we descended 
this river, passing through populous provinces, until we came at last 
to a country the Indians called Anicoyanque. A cacique called Gua- 
clioyanque came to see us. He lived on the banks of the Grreat River. 
The governor set out immediately with the cacique for the village of 
Gruachoyanque.| His village was fortified and well surrounded by 
walls. At this place the governor had determined to build some 
brigantines to send to Cuba, to let them know that he was still alive. 
He sent his captain to find out the direction of the sea. He returned 
back in a few days, saying that the vast swamps which the Grreat River 
had formed, prevented him from doing so. At length the governor, 
finding his situation becoming every day more embarrassing, and his 
affairs going wrong, fell sick and died.§ He appointed Luis de 
Moscoso his successor. Not finding any way of reaching the sea by 
the Grreat River, Luis de Moscoso determined on going by land to 
Mexico. When we set out, we traveled twenty-seven days in a 
westerly direction to the province of Chaviti, where the Indians made 
salt. 1 1 From thence we went in three days to the province of 
Aguacay. 

The Indians told us here that the country beyond was a wilderness 
and uninhabited. That to find villages we must go towards the south- 
east. We then came to a province called Nissione,^ then to Nau- 

* Supposed to be the Arkansas. 

t Juan Ortiz. 

J Supposed to be situated a short distance from the Mississippi, the Guachoya 
of Vega. 

§ Thus died at the age of forty-two, Hernando de Soto, one of the bravest of 
the many leaders wlio figured in the first discoveries of the Western world. 
No one was better quaUfied to rule the hardy spirits under him. He was stern. 
in command ; agreeable in his common intercourse, gentle and courteous in his 
manners; patient and persevering under all difficulties. His body was enclosed 
in the trunk of a green oak, and conveyed to the middle of the Mississippi, 
where it was sunk in nineteen fathoms water. Thus the first discoverer of 
the Mississippi River made his grave in the bosom of its waters. 

II Supposed to be the salines of the Washita River. 

IT Nassonis, 



108 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

dacho,* and Lacame. We made inquiries here about the province of 
Xuacatino. The cacique of Naudacho gave us a guide to conduct us 
through the country. He led us accordingly into a wilderness, and 
when we got there he told us that his master had ordered him to take 
us to a country where we should die with hunger. We now took 
another guide, who conducted us to the province of Hais, where we 
saw buffaloes, but the Indians prevented us from killing them. We 
came to Xuacatin, and passed some small villages, without finding any 
provisions. We then returned towards the south, determined to die 
or reach New Spain. We continued to march in this direction eight 
or nine days more, hoping to provide ourselves with provisions for 
the journey. "I" We arrived at last at some miserable huts, where 
the Indians lived by hunting and fishing, and finding that our corn 
must soon give out, we resolved to return to the village where Go- 
vernor Soto had died, to build some vessels to return to our country. 
But when we arrived there we did not find the facilities we had ex- 
pected, and were obliged to seek another place, to go into winter 
quarters, and build our vessels. 

Grod permitted us to find two villages to suit our purposes, J upon the 
G-reat Iliver.§ These villages were fortified. We remained here six 
months to build seven brigantines. We launched them on the river, 
and it was a miracle they did not leak. They sailed well, although 
they were calked with the thin bark of mulberry trees. When we 
embarked the troops we intended if we could find a village on the sea- 
shore to stop there, until we could send two brigantines with dispatches 
to the Viceroy of New Spain, to send us vessels to return in to Spain. 
On the second day out, as we were descending the river, some forty 
or fifty canoes came towards us, in one of which were eighty warriors. 
They shot arrows at us, and captured some of the small canoes we had 
taken with us, in which were twelve of our best soldiers. The cur- 
rent of the river was so rapid that we could not go to their assistance. 
Encouraged by this victory, the Indians continued to harass us until 

• Nagodoches. 

t The march of Moscoso west of the Mississippi was evidently on the hunt- 
ing-grounds of the far west, and got upon the prairies, where in many parts 
they were little better than deserts. 

X Aminoya and , supposed to have been situated in the neighborhood 

of the present town of Helena, a few miles above the mouth of the Arkansas 
River. 

§ Moscoso and his followers committed themselves to the Mississippi on the 
second of July, 1543. 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 109 

we reached the sea, which took us nineteen days. They soon dis- 
covered that we had neither arquebuses nor cross-bows to reach them. 
The only arms we had were some swords and shields, consequently 
they had nothing to fear from us. We entered the sea through one of 
the mouths of the river,* and for three days and nights we could not see 
land, but after that we came in sight of it, and took in some water to 
drink. At length we perceived towards the west some small islands, 
which we followed, keeping close to the shore,f to find something to 
eat, until we entered the River Panuco, where we were kindly received 
by the inhabitants. 

Signed LUIS FERNANDEZ DE BIEDMA, 

(Facteur de sa Majeste.') 

* The Mississippi. The Indian name of this river, says de la Vega, on the 
authority of Juan Coles, one of De Soto's followers, was Chucagua. la one 
place they called it Tamalisen, in another Tapata, and where it enters the sea, 
Ri. The Spaniards called it " La Pallisade," " Rio Escondido," or the lost river. 

t The Spaniards went to sea on the 18th July, and arrived in the river 
Panuco on the 10th September, 1543. The inhabitants of Panuco, says Garci- 
laso de la Vega, were all touched with pity at beholding this forlorn remnant of 
the gallant armament of the renowned Hernando de Soto. They were black- 
ened, haggard, shriveled, and half naked, being clad only with the skins of 
deer, buffaloes, bears, and other animals, looking more like wild beasts than 
human beings. 



A NAREATIVE 

OF THE 

EXPEDITION OE HEENANDO DE SOTO 

INTO 

FLORIDA. 

BY A GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS. 

PUBLISHED AT EVORA 1537. 
TRANSLATED FROM THE PORTUGUESE 

BY 

RICHARD HACKLUYT. 

LONDON, 1609. 



A NARRATIVE 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO 



FLORIDA. 



Captain Soto was the son of a squire of Xerez of Badajoz. 
He went into the Spanish Indies, when Peter Arias of Avila was 
Governor of the West Indies. And there he was without anything 
else of his own, save his sword and target : and for his good quali- 
ties and valor, Peter Arias made him captain of a troop of horsemen, 
and by his commandment he went with Fernando Plzarro to the 
conquest of Peru : where (as many persons of credit reported, which 
were there present) as well at the taking of Atahalipa, Lord of Peru, 
as at the assault of the city of Cusco, and in all other places where 
they found resistance, wheresoever he was present, he passed all other 
captains and principal persons. For which cause, besides his part of 
the treasure of Atahalipa, he had a good share; whereby in time he 
gathered a hundred and four score thousand ducats together, with 
that which fell to his part; which he brought into Spain; whereof 
the Emperor borrowed a certain part, which he repaid again with 
60,000 rials of plate in the rent of the silks of Granada, and all the 
rest was delivered him in the contractation house of Seville. He took 
servants to wit, a steward, a gentleman usher, pages, a gentleman of 
the horse, a chamberlain, lackeys, and all other officers that the house of 
a noble may require. From Seville he went to the court, and in the 
court, there accompanied him John Danusco of Seville, and Lewis 
Moscoso U Alvarado, Nuno de Touar, and John Rodriguez Lohillo. 
9 



114 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Except John JDanusco, all the rest came witli him from Peru : and 
every one of them brought fourteen or fifteen thousand ducats : all 
of them went well and costly appareled. And although Soto of his 
own nature was not liberal, yet because that was the first time that 
he was to show himself in the court, he spent frankly, and went 
accompanied with those which I have named, and with his servants, 
and many others which resorted unto him. He married with Donna 
Isabella de Boladilla, daughter of Peter Arias of Avila, Earl of 
Punno en Rostra. The Emperor made him the Governor of the Isle 
of Cuha, and Adelantado or President of Florida; with a title of 
Marquis of certain part of the lands that he should conquer. 

When Don Ferdinando had obtained the government, there 
came a gentleman from the Indies to the court, named Cahega de 
Vaca, which had been with the Grovernor Pamphilo de Narvaez 
which died in Florida, who reported that Narvaez was cast away at 
sea with all the company that went with him. And how he with 
four more escaped and arrived in Nueva Espana. Also he brought 
a relation in writing, of that which he had seen in Florida; which 
said in some places : In such a place I have seen this ; and the rest 
which here I saw, I leave to confer of between his Majesty and my- 
self. Generally he reported the misery of the country, and the 
troubles which he passed : and he told some of his kinsfolk, which 
were desirous to go into the Indies, and urged him very much to tell 
them whether he had seen any rich country in Florida, that he 
might not tell them, because he and another, whose name was Orantes, 
(who remained in Nueva Espana with purpose to return into 
Florida : for which intent he came into Spain to beg the govern- 
ment thereof of the Emperor) had sworn not to discover some of 
those things which they had seen, because no man should prevent 
them in begging the same. And he informed them that it was the 
richest country of iJie world. Don Ferdinando de Soto was very 
desirous to have him with him, and made him a favorable offer : and 
after they were agreed, because Soto gave him not a sum of money 
which he demanded to buy a ship, they broke off again. Baltasar de 
Gallegos, and Christopher de Spindola, the kinsmen of Cahega de 
Vaca, told him, that for that which he had imparted to them, they 
were resolved to pass with Soto into Florida, and therefore they 
prayed him to advise them what they were best to do. Cahega de 
Vaca told them, that the cause why he went not with Soto, was be- 
cause he hoped to beg another government, and that he was loth to 
go under the command of another : and that he came to beg the con- 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 115 

I 

quest of Florida : but seeing Don Ferdinando de Soto had gotten it 
already, for his oath's sake he might tell them nothing of that which 
they would know : but he counseled them to sell their goods and go 
with him, and that in so doing they should do well. As soon as he 
had opportunity, he spake with the Emperor, and related unto him 
whatsoever he had passed and seen, and come to understand. Of this 
relation, made by word of mouth to the Emperor, the Marquis of 
Astorya had notice, and forthwith determined to send with Don Fer- 
dinando de Soto his brother Don Antonio Osorio: and with him two 
kinsmen of his prepared themselves, to wit, Francis Osorio, and 
Garcia Osorio. Don Antonio dispossessed himself of 60,000 rials 
of rent which he held by the church; and Francis Osorio of a town 
of vassals, which he had in the country de Campos. And they 
made their rendezvous with the Adelantado in Seville. The like did 
Nunez de Touar, and Lewis de Moscoso, and John Rodriguez Lohillo, 
each of whom had brought from Peru fourteen or fifteen thousand 
ducats. Lewis de Moscoso carried with him two brethren; there went 
also Don Carlos, which had married the governor's niece, and took 
her with him. From Badajoz there went Peter Calderan, and three 
kinsmen of the Adelantado, to wit, Arias Tinoco, Alfonso Romo, and 
Diego Tinoco. And as Lewis de Moscoso passed through Elvas^ 
Andreio de Vasconcelos spake with him, and requested him to speak 
to Don Ferdinando de Soto concerning him, and delivered him cer- 
tain warrants which he had received from the Marquis of Villa Real, 
wherein he gave him the captainship of Geuta in Barbaric, that he 
might show them unto him. And the Adelantado saw them; and was 
informed who he was, and wrote unto him, that he would favor him 
in all things, and by all means, and would give him a charge of men 
in Florida. And from Elvas went Andrew de Vasconcelos, and Fer- 
nan Pegado, Antonio Martinez Segurado, Men Roiz Pereira, John 
Cordero, Stephen Pegado, Benedict Fernandez, and Alvaro Fernandez. 
And out of Salamanca, and Jaen, and Valencia, and Albuquerque, 
and from other parts of Spain, many people of noble birth, assem- 
bled at Seville, insomuch that in Saint Lucar many men of good 
account, which had sold their goods, remained behind for want of 
shipping, whereas for other known and rich countries, they are wont 
to want men : and this fell out by occasion of that which Cahega de 
Vaca-\ told the Emperor, and informed such persons as he had con- 

* Elvas is a city in Portugal. 

\ Cabega de Vaca was the Governor of the River of Plate. 



116 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

ference withal touching the state of that country. Soto made him 
great offers, and being agreed to go with him (as I have said before) 
because he would not give him money to pay for a ship, which he had 
bought, they brake off, and he went for governor to the river of Plate. 
His kinsmen, Christopher de Spindola and Baltasar de Gallegos, went 
with Soto. Baltasar de Gallegos sold houses and vineyards, and rent 
corn, and ninety ranks of olive trees in the Xarofe of Seville. He had 
the of&ce of Alcalde Mayor, and took his wife with him. And there 
went also many other persons of account with the President, and had 
the offices following by great friendship, because they were offices 
desired of many, to wit, Antonie de Biedma was factor, John 
Danusco was auditor, and John Gaytan, nephew to the Cardinal of 
Ciguenza, had the office of treasurer. 

The Portuguese departed from Elvas the 15th of January, and 
came to Seville the 19th of the same month, and went to the lodging 
of the Governor, and entered into a court, over the which were certain 
galleries where he was, who came down and received them at the 
stairs, whereby they went up into the galleries. When he was come 
up, he commanded chairs to be given them to sit on. And Andrew 
de Vasconcelos told him who he and the other Portuguese were, and 
how they all were come to accompany him, and serve him in his 
voyage. He gave him thanks, and made show of great contentment 
for his coming and offer. And the table being already laid, he in- 
vited them to dinner. And being at dinner, he commanded his 
steward to seek a lodging for them near unto his own, where they 
might be lodged. The Adelantado departed from Seville to Saint 
Imcar with all the people which were to go with him. And he com- 
manded a muster to be made, at the which the Portuguese showed them- 
selves armed in very bright armor, and the Castellans very gallant 
with silk upon silk, with many pinkings and cuts. The Governor, be- 
cause these braveries in such an action did not like him, commanded that 
they should muster another day, and every one should come forth 
with his armor; at the which the Portuguese came as at the first armed 
with very good armor. The Governor placed them in order near 
unto the standard, which the ensign bearer carried. The Castellans, 
for the most part, did wear very bad and rusty shirts of mail, and all 
of them head-pieces and steel caps, and very bad lances. Some of 
them sought to come among the Portuguese. So those passed and 
were counted and enrolled which Soto liked and accepted of, and did 
accompany him into Florida; which were in all six hundred men. 
He had already bought seven ships, and had all necessary provision 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 117 

aboard them. He appointed captains, and delivered to every one his 
ship, and gave them in a roll what people every one should carry with 
them. 

In the year of our Lord 1538, in the month of April, the Adelan- 
tado delivered his ships to the captains which were to go in them ; 
and took for himself a new ship, and good of sail, and gave another 
to And7-eiv de Vasconcelos, in which the Portuguese went ; he went 
over the bar of St. Lucar on Sunday, being St. Lazarus day, in the 
morning of the month and year aforesaid, with great joy, commanding 
his trumpets to be sounded, and many shots of the ordnance to be 
discharged. He sailed four days with a prosperous wind, and suddenly 
it calmed ; the calms continued eight days with swelling seas, in such 
wise that we made no way. The fifteenth day after his departure from 
St. Lucar, he came to Gomera, one of the Canaries, on Easter day 
in the morning. The Earl of that island was appareled all in white, 
cloak, jerkin, hose, shoes and cap, so that he seemed a Lord of the 
Gripsies. He received the Governor with much joy; he was well 
lodged, and all the rest had their lodgings gratis, and got great store 
of victuals for their money, as bread, wine, and flesh; and they took 
what was needful for their ships, and the Sunday following, eight days 
after their arrival, they departed from the Isle of Gomera. The Earl 
gave to Donna Isahella, the Adelantado's wife, a bastard daughter 
that he had, to be her waiting-maid. They arrived at the Antilles, in 
the Isle of Ouha, at the port of the city of St. Jago, upon Whit-sunday. 
As soon as they came thither, a gentleman of the city sent to the sea-side 
a very fair roan horse, and well furnished, for the Grovernor, and a mule 
for Donna Isabella, and all the horsemen and footmen that were in 
the town came to receive him at the sea-side. The G-overnor was well 
lodged, visited, and served of all the inhabitants of the city, and all 
his company had their lodgings freely : those which desired to go into 
the country, were divided by four and four, and six and six, in the 
farms or granges, according to the ability of the owners of the farms, 
and were furnished by them with all things necessary. 

The city of St. Jago hath fourscore houses, which are great and well 
contrived. The most part have their walls made of boards, and are 
covered with thatch ; it hath some houses built with lime and stones, 
and covered with tiles. It hath great orchards and many trees in them, 
differing from those of Spain : there be fig trees which bear figs as big 
as one's fist, yellow within, and of small taste ; and other trees which 
bear a fruit which they call Ananes, in making and bigness like to a 
small pineapple : it is a fruit very sweet in taste : the shell being taken 



118 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

away, the kernel is like a piece of fresh cheese. In the granges 
abroad in the country there are other great jjineapples, which grow 
on low trees, and are like the Aloe tree : they are of a very good smell 
and exceeding good taste. Other trees do bear a fruit which they call 
Mameis, of the bigness of peaches. This the islanders do hold for 
the best fruit of the country. There is another fruit which they call 
Gruayabas, like filberts, as big as figs. There are other trees as high 
as a javelin, having one only stock without any bough, and the leaves 
as long as a casting dart; and the fruit is of the bigness and fashion 
of a cucumber; one bunch beareth twenty or thirty, and as they ripen 
the tree bendeth downward with them : they are called in this country 
Plantanos, and are of a good taste, and ripen after they be gathered ; 
but those are the better which ripen upon the tree itself; they bear 
fruit but once, and the tree being cut down, there spring up others 
out of the but, which bear fruit the next year. There is another fruit, 
whereby many people are sustained, and chiefly the slaves, which are 
called Batatas. These grow now in the Isle of Tergera, belonging to 
the kingdom of Portugal, and they grow within the earth, and are 
like a fruit called Iname ; they have almost the taste of a chestnut. 
The bread of this country is also made of roots which are like the 
Batatas.* And the stock whereon those roots do grow is like an elder 
tree : they make their ground in little hillocks, and in each of them 
they thrust four or five stakes ; and they gather the roots a year and 
a half after they set them. If any one, thinking it is a batata or 
potato root, chance to eat of it never so little, he is in great danger of 
death : which was seen by experience in a soldier, which as soon as 
he had eaten a very little of one of those roots, he died quickly. They 
pare these roots and stamp them, and squeeze them in a thing like a 
press : the juice that cometh from them is of an evil smell. The 
bread is of little taste and less substance. Of the fruits of Spain, 
there are figs and oranges, and they bear fruit all the year, because the 
soil is very rank and fruitful. In this country are many good horses, 
and there is green grass all the year. There be many wild oxen and 
hogs, whereby the people of the island are well furnished with flesh. 
Without the towns abroad in the country are many fruits. And it 
happeneth sometimes that a Christian goeth out of the way and is 
lost fifteen or twenty days, because of the many paths in the thick 
groves that cross to and fro made by the oxen ; and being thus lost 
they sustain themselves with fruits and palmitos — for there be many 

• The Cassavi root. 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 119 

great groves of palm trees through all the island — they yield no other 
fruit that is of any profit. The Isle of Cuha is three hundred leagues 
long from the east to the west, and is in some places thirty, in ' others 
forty leagues from north to south. It hath six towns of Christians, 
to wit, St. Jago, Baracoa, Bayamo, Puerto de Principes, S. Espirito, 
and Havana. Every one hath between thirty and forty households, 
except St. Jago and Havana, which have about sixty or eighty houses. 
They have churches in each of them, and a chaplain which confesseth 
them and saith mass. In St. Jago is a monastery of Franciscan 
friars ; it hath but few friars, and is well provided of alms, because 
the country is rich. The Church of St. Jago hath honest revenue, 
and there is a curate and prebends, and many priests, as the church of 
that city, which is the chief of all the island. There is in this coun- 
try much gold and few slaves to get it ; for many have made away 
themselves, because of the Christians' evil usage of them in the mines. 
A steward of Vasquez Porcallo, which was an inhabitor in that island, 
understanding that his slaves would make away themselves, stayed for 
them with a cudgel in his hand at the place where they were to meet, 
and told them that they could neither do nor think anything that he 
did not know before, and that he came thither to kill himself, with 
them, to the end, that if he had used them badly in this world, he 
might use them worse in the world to come : and this was a means 
that they changed their purpose, and turned home again to do that 
which he commanded them. 

The Governor sent from St. Jago his nephew Don Carlos, with the 
ships in company of Donna Isabella to tarry for him at Havana, 
which is a haven in the west part toward the head of the island, 
one hundred and eighty leagues from the city of St. Jago. The 
Governor, and those which stayed with him, bought horses and pro- 
ceeded on their journey. The first town they came unto was Bayamo : 
they were lodged four and four, and six and six, as they went in com- 
pany, and where they lodged, they took nothing for their diet, for 
nothing cost them aught save the maize or corn for their horses, be- 
cause the Governor went to visit them from town to town, and seized 
them in the tribute and service of the Indians. Bayamo is twenty- 
five leagues from the city of St. Jago. Near unto the town passeth 
a great river which is called Tanto ; it is greater than Guadiana, and 
in it be very great crocodiles, which sometimes hurt the Indians, or 
the cattle which passeth the river. In all the country are neither 
wolf, fox, bear, lion, nor tiger. There are wild dogs which go from 
the houses into the woods and feed upon swine. There be certain 



120 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

snakes as big as a man's thigh or bigger; they are very slow, they do 
no kind of hurt. From Bayamo to Puerto de los Principes are fifty 
leagues. In all the island from town to town, the way is made by 
stubbing up the underwood ; and if it be left but one year undone, 
the wood groweth so much that the way cannot be seen, and the paths 
of the oxen are so many, that none can travel without an Indian of 
the country for a guide : for all the rest is very high and thick woods. 
From Puerto de los Principes the Governor went to the house of Vas- 
qiiez Porcallo by sea in a boat (for it was near the sea) to know there 
some news of Donna Isabella, which at that instant (as afterwards 
was known) was in great distress, insomuch that the ships lost one 
another, and two of them fell on the coast of Florida, and all of them 
endured great want of water and victuals. When the storm was over, 
they met together without knowing where they were : in the end they 
descried the Cape of St. Anton, a country not inhabited of the island 
of Cuha ; there they watered, and at the end of forty days, which 
were passed since their departure from the city of St. Jago, they ar- 
rived at Havana. The Grovernor was presently informed thereof, and 
went to Donna Isabella. And those which went by land, which were 
one hundred and fifty horsemen, being divided into two parts, because 
they would not oppress the inhabitants, traveled by St. Espirito, which 
is sixty leagues from Puerto de los Principes. The food which they 
carried with them was Cacahe bread, which is that whereof I made 
mention before : and it is of such a quality that if it be wet it breaketh 
presently, whereby it happened to some to eat flesh without bread for 
many days. They carried dogs with them, and a man of the country, 
which did hunt ; and by the way, or where they were to lodge that 
night, they killed as many hogs as they needed. In this journey 
they were well provided of beef and pork, and they were greatly 
troubled with musquitoes, especially in a lake, which is called the 
mere of Pia, which they had much ado to pass from noon till night. 
The water might be some half league over, and to be swam about a 
crossbow shot; the rest came to the waist, and they waded up to the 
knees in the mire, and in the bottom were cockle shells, which cut 
their feet very sore, in such sort that there was neither boot nor 
shoe sole that was whole at half way. Their clothes and saddles 
were passed in baskets of palm trees. Passing this lake, stripped out 
of their clothes, there came many mosquitoes, upon whose biting 
there arose a wheal that smarted very much; they struck them with 
their hands, and with the blow which they gave they killed .so many 
that the blood did run down the arms and bodies of the men. That 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO, 121 

niglit they rested very little for them, and other nights also in the 
like places and times. They came to Santo Espirito, which is a town 
of thirty houses; there passeth by it a little river; it is very pleasant 
and fruitful, having great store of oranges and citrons, and fruits of 
the country. One-half of the company were lodged here, and the 
rest passed forward twenty-five leagues to another town called la 
Trinidad, of fifteen or twenty households. Here is an hospital for 
the poor, and there is none other in all the island. And they say 
that this town was the greatest in all the country, and that before the 
Christians came into this land, as a ship passed along the coast 
there came in it a very sick man, which desired the captain to set 
him on shore, and the captain did so, and the ship went her way. 
The sick man remained set on shore in that country, which until then 
had not been haunted by Christians; whereupon the Indians found 
him, carried him home, and looked unto him till he was whole ; and 
the lord of that town married him unto a daughter of his, and had 
war with all the inhabitants round about, and by the industry and 
valor of the Christian, he subdued and brought under his command 
all the people of that island. A great while after, the Governor 
Diego Velasques went to conquer it, and from thence discovered New 
Spain. And this Christian which was with the Indians did pacify 
them, and brought them to the obedience and subjection of the go- 
vernor. From this town de la Trinidad unto Havana are eighty 
leagues, without any habitation, which they traveled. They came 
to Havana in the end of March, where they found the Governor, and 
the rest of the people which came with him from Spain. The Go- 
vernor sent from Havana, John Dannusco with a caravele and two 
brigantines with fifty men to discover the haven of Florida, and from 
thence he brought two Indians which he took upon the coast, where- 
with (as well because they might be necessary for guides and for inter- 
preters, as because they said by signs that there was much gold in 
Florida) the Governor and all the company received much content- 
ment, and longed for the hour of their departure, thinking in himself 
that this was the richest country that unto that day had been dis- 
covered. 

Before our departure the Governor deprived Muiio de Touar of 
the office of Captain-general, and gave it to Porcallo de Figueroa, an 
inhabitant of Cuha, which was a mean that the ship was well fur- 
nished with victuals ; for he gave a great many loads of Casahe bread 
and many hogs. The Governor took away this office from Niino de 
Touar, because he had fallen in love with the daughter of the Earl 



122 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

of Gomera, Donna Isabella's waiting-maid, who, thougli his oJSfice 
were taken from him (to return again to the Governor's favor), though 
she were with child by him, yet took her to his wife, and went with 
Soto into Florida. The Grovernor left Donna Isabella in Havana, 
and with her remained the wife of Don Carlos, and the wives of Bal- 
tasar de Gallegos, and of Nuno de Touar. And he left for his lieu- 
tenant a gentleman of Havana, called John de Roias, for the govern- 
ment of the island. 

On Sunday the 18 th of May, in the year of our Lord 1539, the 
Adelantado or president departed from Havana in Cuba with his 
fleet, which were nine vessels, five great ships, two caravels, and two 
brigan tines. They sailed seven days with a prosperous wind. The 
25th day of May, the day de Pasca de Spirito Santo"^ (which we 
call Whitson Sunday), they saw the land of Florida, and because of 
the shoals, they came to an anchor a league from the shore. On 
Friday the 30th of May they landed in Florida, two leagues from a 
town of an Indian lord called Ucita. They set on land two hundred 
and thirteen horses, which they brought with them to unburden the 
ships, that they might draw the less water. He landed all his men, 
and only the seamen remained in the ships, which in eight days, 
going up with the tide every day a little, brought them up unto the 
town. As soon as the people were come on shore, he pitched his 
camp on the sea-side, hard upon the bay which went up unto the 
town. And presently the Captain-general, Vasquez Porcallo, with 
other seven horsemen foraged the country half a league round about, 
and found six Indians, which resisted him with their arrows, which 
are the weapons which they used to fight withal. The horsemen killed 
two of them, and the other four escaped; because the country is cum- 
bersome with woods and bogs, where the horses stuck fast, and fell 
with their riders, because they were weak with traveling upon the 
sea. The same night following, the Governor with an hundred men 
in the brigan tines lighted upon a town, which he found without 
people, because that as soon as the Christians had sight of land, they 
were descried, and saw along the coast many smokes, which the In- 
dians had made to give advice the one to the other. The next day 
Luys de Moscoso, master of the camp, set the men in order, the horse- 
men in three squadrons, the vanguard, the battalion, and the rereward ; 
and so they marched that day and the day following, compassing great 
creeks which came out of the bay. They came to the town of Lcita, 

* Tampa Bay, on the west side of Florida. 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 123 

where the Governor was on Sunday the first of June, being Trinity 
Sunday. The town was of seven or eight houses. The lord's house 
stood near the shore upon a very high mount, made by hand for 
strength. At another end of the town stood the church, and on the 
top of it stood a fowl made of wood with gilded eyes. Here were 
found some pearls of small value, spoiled with the fire, which the In- 
dians do pierce and string them like beads, and wear them about their 
necks and handwrists, and they esteem them very much. The houses 
were made of timber, and covered with palm leaves. The Governor 
lodged himself in the lord's houses, and with him Vasquez Porcdllo, 
and Luys de Moscoso ; and in others that were in the midst of the 
town, was the chief Alcalde or justice, Baltasar de Gallegos lodged ; 
and in the same houses was set in a place by itself all the provision 
that came in the ships ; the other houses and the church were broken 
down, and every three or four soldiers made a little cabin wherein 
they lodged. The country round about was very fenny, and encumbered 
with great and high trees. The Governor commanded to fell the 
woods a crossbow shot round about the town, that the horses might 
run, and the Christians might have the advantage of the Indians, if 
by chance they should set upon them by night. In the ways and 
places convenient they had their sentinels of footmen by two and two 
in every stand, which did watch by turns, and the horsemen did visit 
them, and were ready to assist them if there were any alarm. The 
Governor made four captains of the horsemen and two of the footmen-. 
The captains of the horsemen were one of them Andreio de Masconcelos, 
and another Pedro Calderan de Badajoz ; and the other two were his 
kinsmen, to wit. Arias Tivioco, and Alfonso Porno, born likewise in 
Badajoz. The captains of the footmen, the one was Francisco 
Maldonado of Salamanca, and the other Juan Rodriguez Ldbillo. 
While we were in this town of TJcita, the two Indians which John 
Danusco had taken on that coast, and the Governor carried along with 
him for guides and interpreters, through carelessness of two men 
which had the charge of them escaped away one night; for which the ■ 
Governor and all the rest were very sorry, for they had already made 
some roads, and no Indians could be taken, because the country was 
full of marsh grounds, and in some places full of very high and thick 
woods. 

From the town of Ucita the Governor sent the Alcalde mayor, 
Baltasar de Gallegos, with forty horsemen and eighty footmen into 
the country to see if they could take any Indians ; and the Captain 
John Podriguez Lohillo another way with fifty footmen : the most of 



124 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

them were swordsmen and targeters, and the rest were shot and cross- 
bowmen. They passed through a country full of bogs, where horses 
could not travel. Half a league from the camp they lighted upon 
certain cabins of Indians near a river. The people that were in them 
leaped into the river, yet they took four Indian women. And twenty 
Indians charged us and so distressed us, that we were forced to retire 
to our camp, being, as they are, exceeding ready with their weapons. 
It is a people so warlike and so nimble, that they care not a whit for 
any footmen. For if their enemies charge them they run away, and if 
they turn their backs they are presently upon them. And the thing 
that they most flee is the shot of an arrow. They never stand still, 
but are always running and traversing from one place to another, by 
reason whereof neither crossbow nor arquebuss can aim at them; and 
before one crossbowman can make on6 shot an Indian will discharge 
three or four arrows, and he seldom misseth what he shooteth at. An 
arrow where it findeth no armor, pierceth as deeply as a crossbow. 
Their bows are very long, and their arrows are made of certain canes 
like reeds, very heavy, and so strong that a sharp cane passeth through 
a target. Some they arm in the point with a sharp bone of a fish 
like a chisel, and in others they fasten certain stones like points of 
diamonds. For the most part when they light upon an armor they 
break in the place where they are bound together. Those of cane do 
split and pierce a coat of mail, and are more hurtful than the other. 
John Rodriguez Ldbillo returned to the camp with six men wounded, 
whereof one died ; and brought the four Indian women which Bal- 
tasar Gallegos had taken in the cabins or cottages. Two leagues 
from the town, coming into the plain field, he espied ten or eleven 
Indians, among whom was a Christian, which was naked and scorched 
with the sun, and had his arms razed after the manner of the Indians, 
and differed nothing at all from them. And as soon as the horsemen 
saw them they ran toward them. The Indians fled, and some of them 
hid themselves in a wood, and they overtook two or three of them 
which were wounded; and the Christian seeing a horseman run upon 
him with his lance, began to cry out, " Sirs, I am a Christian, slay me 
not, nor these Indians, for they have saved my life." And straight- 
way he called them and put them out of fear, and they came forth of 
the wood unto them. The horsemen took both the Christian and 
the Indians up behind them, and toward night came into the camp 
with much joy ; which thing being known by the Grovernor, and them 
that remained in the camp, they were received with the like. 

This Christian's name was John Ortiz, and he was born in Seville, 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 125 

of worshipful parentage. He was twelve years in the hands of the 
Indians. He came into this country with Pampliilo de Narvaez, and 
returned in the ships to the Island of Ouha, where the wife of the 
Governor Pampliilo de Narvaez was, and by his commandment with 
twenty or thirty others in a brigantine returned back again to Florida, 
and coming to the port in the sight of the town, on the shore they 
saw a cane sticking in the ground, and riven at the top, and a letter 
in it ; and they believed that the governor had left it there to give 
advertisement of himself when he resolved to go up into the land, 
and they demanded it of four or five Indians which walked along the 
sea-shore, and they bade them by signs to come on shore for it, 
which against the will of the rest John Ortiz and another did. And 
as soon as they were on land, from the houses of the town issued a 
great number of Indians, which compassed them about and took them 
in a place where they could not flee ; and the other, which sought to 
defend himself, they presently killed upon the place, and took John 
Ortiz alive, and carried him to Ucita their lord. And those of 
the brigantine sought not to land, but put themselves to sea, and re- 
turned to the Island of Cuba. Ucita commanded to bind John Ortiz 
hand and foot upon four stakes aloft upon a raft, and to make a fire 
under him, that there he might be burned. But a daughter of his 
desired him that he would not put him to death, alleging that one only 
Christian could do him neither hurt nor good, telling him that it was 
more for his honor to keep him as a captive. And Ucita granted her 
request, and commanded him to be cured of his wounds ; and as soon 
as he was whole he gave him the charge of the keeping of the tem- 
ple, because that by night the wolves did carry away the dead corpses 
out of the same — who commended himself to God and took upon him 
the charge of his temple. One night the wolves got from him the 
corpse of a little child, the son of a principal Indian, and going after 
them he threw a dart at one of the wolves, and struck him that car- 
ried away the corpse, who, feeling himself wounded left it, and fell 
down dead near the place ; and he not woting what he had done, be- 
cause it was night, went back again to the temple ; the morning being 
come and finding not the body of the child, he was very sad. As 
soon as Ucita knew thereof he resolved to put him to death, and sent 
by the track which he said the wolves went, and found the body of 
the child, and the wolf dead a little beyond, whereat Ucita was much 
contented with the Christian, and with the watch which he kept in 
the temple, and from thenceforward esteemed him much. Three 
years after he fell into his hands there came another lord called 



126 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

Mocogo, who dwelleth two clays' journey from tlie port, and burnt his 
town. Ucita fled to another town that he had in another sea-port. 
Thus John Ortiz lost his ofl&ce and favor that he had with him. 
These people being worshipers of the devil, are wont to oflfer up unto 
him the lives and blood of their Indians, or of any other people they 
can come by ; and they report that when he will have them do that 
sacrifice unto him, he speaketh with them, and telleth them that he 
is athirst, and willeth them to sacrifice unto him. John Ortiz had 
notice by the damsel that had delivered him from the fire, how her 
father was determined to sacrifice him the day following, who willed 
him to flee to Mocogo, for she knew that he would use him well ; for 
she heard say that he had asked for him and said he would be glad to 
see him, and because he knew not the way she went with him half a 
league out of the town by night and set him in the way, and re- 
turned because she would not be discovered. John Ortiz traveled all 
that night, and by the morning came to a river which is the territory 
of Mocogo, and there he saw two Indians fishing ; and because they 
were in war with the people of Ucita, and their languages were differ- 
ent, and he knew not the language of Mocogo, he was afraid, because 
he could not tell them who he was, nor how he came thither, nor was 
able to answer anything for himself, that they would kill him, taking 
him for one of the Indians of Ucita, and before they espied him he 
came to the place where they had laid their weapons ; and as soon as 
they saw him they fled toward the town, and although he willed them 
to stay, because he meant to do them no hurt, yet they understood 
him not, and ran away as fast as ever they could. And as soon as 
they came to the town with great outcries, many Indians came forth 
against him, and began to compass him to shoot at him. John Ortiz 
seeing himself in so great danger, shielded himself with certain trees, 
and began to shriek out and cry very loud, and to tell them that he 
was a Christian, and that he was fled from Ucita, and was come to see 
and serve Mocogo his lord. It pleased Grod that at that very instant 
there came thither an Indian that could speak the language and un- 
derstood him, and pacified the rest, who told them what he said. 
Then ran from thence three or four Indians to bear the news to their 
lord, who came forth a quarter of a league from the town to receive 
him, and was very glad of him. He caused him presently to swear 
according to the custom of the Christians, that he would not run 
away from him to any other lord, and promised him to entreat him 
very well; and that if at anytime there came any Christians into 
that country, he would freely let him go, and give him leave to go to 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 127 

them ; and likewise took his oath to perform the same according to 
the Indian custom. About three years after certain Indians, which 
were fishing at sea two leagues from the town, brought news to 
Mocogo that they had seen ships, and he called John Ortiz and gave 
him leave to go his way, who taking his leave of him, with all the 
haste he could came to the sea, and finding no ships he thought it to 
be some deceit, and that the cacique had done the same to learn his 
mind. So he dwelt with Mocogo nine years, with small hope of see- 
ing any Christians. As soon as our Grovernor arrived in Florida, it 
was known to 31ocogo, and straightway he signified to JoTin Ortiz that 
Christians were lodged in the town of Ucita ; and he thought he had 
jested with him as he had done befoi'e, and told him that by this time 
he had forgotten the Christians, and thought of nothing else but to 
serve him. But he assured him that it was so, and gave him license 
to go unto them, saying unto him that if he would not do it, and if 
the Christians should go their way, he should not blame him, for he 
had fulfilled that which he had promised him. The joy of John Ortiz 
was so great, that he could not believe that it was true ; notwithstand- 
ing he gave him thanks, and took his leave of him, and Mocogo gave 
him ten or eleven principal Indians to bear him company; and as they 
went to the port where the Grovernor was, they met with Baltasar de 
Gallegos, as I have declared before. As soon as he was come to the 
camp, the Governor commanded to give him a suit of apparel, and 
very good armor, and a fair horse ; and inquired of him whether he 
had notice of any country where there was any gold or silver. He 
answered, No, because he never went ten leagues compass from the 
place where he dwelt ; but that thirty leagues from thence* dwelt an 
Indian lord, which was called Paracossi, to whom Mocogo and Ucita, 
with all the rest of that coast paid tribute, and that he peradventure 
might have notice of some good country, and that his land was better 
than that of the sea-coast, and more fruitful and plentiful of maize. 
Whereof the Governor received great contentment, and said that he 
desired no more than to find victuals, that he might go into the main 
land, for the land of Florida was so large, that in one place or other 
there could not choose but be some rich country. The Cacique 
Mocogo came to the port to visit the Governor, and made this speech 
following. 

" Right high and mighty lord, I being lesser in mine own conceit 
for to obey you, than any of those which you have under your com- 

* From Spirito Santo or Tampa Bay. 



128 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

mand, and greater in desire to do you greater services, do appear be- 
fore your lordsliip with so mucli confidence of receiving favor, as if in 
effect this my good will were manifested unto you in works ; not for 
the small service I did unto you touching the Christian which I had 
in my power, in giving him freely his liberty (for I was bound to do 
it to preserve mine honor, and that which I had promised him), but 
because it is the part of great men to use great magnificences. And 
I am persuaded that as in bodily perfections, and commanding of good 
people, you do exceed all men in the world, so likewise you do in the 
parts of the mind, in which you may boast of the bounty of nature. 
The favor which I hope for of your lordship is, that you would hold me 
for yours, and bethink yourself to command me anything wherein I 
may do you service." 

The Governor answered him, " That although in freeing and send- 
ing him the Christian, he had preserved his honor and promise, yet 
he thanked him, and held it in such esteem as it had no comparison ; 
and that he would always hold him as his brother, and would favor all 
things to the utmost of his power." Then he commanded a shirt to 
be given him, and other things, wherewith the cacique being very 
well contented, took his leave of him, and departed to his own town. 
From the Port de Spirito Santo where the Grovernor lay, he sent 
the Alcalde Mayor Baltasar de Gallegos with fifty horsemen, and 
thirty or forty footmen to the province of Paracossi, to view the dis- 
position of the country, and inform himself of the land farther in- 
ward, and to send him word of such things as he found. Likewise 
he sent his ships back to the Island of Cuba, that they might return 
within a certain time with victuals. Vasquez Porcallo de Figueroa, 
which went with the Grovernor as Captain-general, (whose principal 
intent was to send slaves from Florida to the Island of Ckiba, where 
he had his goods and mines,) having made some inroads, and seeing 
no Indians were to be got, because of the great bogs and woods that 
were in the country, considering the disposition of the same, deter- 
mined to return to Cuha. And though there was some difference be- 
tween him and the Governor, whereupon they neither dealt nor con- 
versed together with good countenance, yet notwithstanding with 
loving words he asked him leave and departed from him. Baltasar 
de Gallegos came to the FaracossL There came to him thirty Indians 
from the cacique, which was absent from his town, and one of them 
made this speech : 

" Paracossi, the lord of this province, whose vassals we are, send- 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 129 

etli us unto your worship, to know what it is that you seek in this his 
country, and wherein he may do you service." 

Baltasar de GalJegos said unto him that he thanked them very 
much for their offer, willing them to warn their lord to come to his 
town, and that there they would talk and confirm their peace and 
friendship, which he much desired. The Indians went their way and 
returned nest day, and said that their lord was ill at ease, and there- 
fore could not come; but that they came on his behalf to see what he 
demanded. He asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich 
country where there was gold or silver. They told him they did, 
and that towards the west there was a province which was called 
Oale; and that others that inhabited other countries had war with the 
people of that country, where the most part of the year was summer, 
and that there was much gold ; and that when those their enemies 
came to make war with them of CaJe, these inhabitants of Cale did 
wear hats of gold, in manner of head-pieces. Baltasar de Gallegos 
seeing that the cacique came not, thinking all that they said was 
feigned, with intent that in the meantime they might set them- 
selves in safety, fearing that if he did let them go, they would re- 
turn no more, commanded the thirty Indians to be chained, and sent 
word to the Grovernor by eight horsemen what had passed ; whereof 
the GrOvernor with all that were with him at the Port de Spirito 
Sanio received great comfort, supposing that that which the Indians 
reported might be true. He left Captain Calderan at the port, with 
thirty horsemen and seventy footmen, with provision for two years, 
and himself with all the rest marched into the main land, and came 
to the Paracossi, at whose town Baltasar de Gallegos was ; and from 
thence with all his men took the way to Cale. He passed by a little 
town called Acela, and came to another called Tocaste ; and from 
thence he went before with thirty horsemen and fifty footmen towards 
Cale. And passing by a town whence the people were fled, they saw 
Indians a little distance from thence in a lake, to whom the interpreter 
spoke. They came unto them and gave them an Indian for a guide ; 
and he came to a river with a great current, and upon a tree which 
was in the midst of it, was made a bridge, whereon the men passed ; 
the horses swam over by a hawser, that they were pulled by from the 
other side ; for one, which they drove in at the first without it, was 
drowned. From thence the Governor sent two horsemen to his people 
that were behind, to make haste after him ; because the way grew 
long, and their victuals short. He came to Cale, and found the town 
without people. He took three Indians which were spies, and tarried 
10 



130 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

there for his people that came after, which were sore vexed with hun- 
ger and evil ways, because the country was very barren of maize, 
low, and full of water, bogs, and thick woods ; and the victuals which 
they brought with them from the Port de Spirito Sanfo, were spent. 
Wheresoever any town was found, there were some beets, and he that 
came first gathered them, and sodden with water and salt, did eat them 
without any other thing ; and such as could not get them, gathered 
the stalks of maize and eat them, which because they were young had 
no maize in them. When they came to the river which the Grovernor 
had passed, they found palmitos upon low palm trees like those of 
Andalusia. There they met with the two horsemen which the Gro- 
vernor sent unto them, and they brought news that in Cale there was 
plenty of maize, at which news they all rejoiced. As soon as they 
came to Oale, the Governor commanded them to gather all the maize 
that was ripe in the field, which was sufficient for three months. At 
the gathering of it the Indians killed three Christians, and one of them 
which were taken told the Governor, that within seven days' journey 
there was a very great province, and plentiful of maize, which was 
called Apalache. And presently he departed from Cale with fifty 
horsemen, and sixty footmen. He left the master of the camp, Iai;i/s 
de IIoscoso, with all the rest of the people there, with charge that he 
should pot depart thence until he had word from him. And because 
hitherto none had gotten any slaves, the bread that every one was to 
eat he was fain himself to beat in a mortar made in a piece of timber, 
with a pestle, and some of them did sift the flour through their shirts 
of mail. They baked their bread upon certain tileshares which they 
set over the fire, in such sort as heretofore I have said they used to do 
in Cuba. It is so troublesome to grind their maize, that there were 
many that would rather not eat it than grind it ; and did eat the 
maize parched and sodden. 

The second day of August, 1539, the Governor departed from 
Oale; he lodged in a little town called Ytara, and the next day in ano- 
ther called Potano, and the third day at Utinama, and came to ano- 
ther town which they named the town of Evil peace ; because an In- 
dian came in peace, saying, that he was the cacique, and that he 
with his people would serve the Governor, and that if he would set 
free twenty-eight persons, men and women, which his men had taken 
the night before, he would command provision to be brought him, and 
would give him a guide to instruct him in his way. The Governor 
commanded them to be set at liberty, and to keep him in safeguard. 
The next day in the morning there came many Indians, and set them- 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. ' 131 

selves round about the town near to a wood. The Indian wished 
them to carry him near them, and that he would speak unto them, and 
assure them, and that they would do whatsoever he commanded them. 
And when he saw himself near unto them he broke from them, and 
ran away so swiftly from the Christians that there was none that 
could overtake him, and all of them fled into the woods. The Gro- 
vernor commanded to loose a greyhound, which was already fleshed 
on them, which passing by many other Indians, caught the counterfeit 
cacique which had escaped from the Christians, and held him till they 
came to take him. From thence the Grovernor lodged at a town called 
Gholupalia, and because it had store of maize in it, they named it 
Villa farta. Beyond the same there was a river, on which he made 
a bridge of timber, and traveled two days through a desert. The 
17th of August he came to Caliquen, where he was informed of the 
province of Apalache. They told him that Pamphilo de Narvaez had 
been there, and that there he took shipping, because he could find no 
way to go forward. That there was none other town at all ; but that 
on both sides was all water. The whole coinpany were very sad for 
this news, and counseled the Governor to go back to the Port de 
JSpirito Santo, and to abandon the country of Florida, lest he should 
perish as Narvaez had done; declaring that if he went forward, he 
could not return back when he would, and that the Indians would 
gather up that small quantity of maize which was left. Whereunto 
the Grovernor answered that he would not go back, till he had seen 
with his eyes that which they reported ; saying that he could not 
believe it, and that we should be put out of doubt before it were 
long. And he sent to Luys de Ihscoso to come presently from 
Cale, and that he tarried for him there. Luys de Moscoso and 
many others thought that from Apalache they should return back; 
and in Cale they buried their iron tools, and divers other things. 
They came to Oaliquen with great trouble ; because the country 
which the Grovernor had passed by, was spoiled and destitute of 
maize. After all the people were come together, he commanded a 
bridge to be made over a river that passed near the town. He 
departed from Caliquen the 10th of September, and carried the ca- 
cique with him. After he had traveled three days, there came In- 
dians peaceably to visit their lord, and every day met us on the way 
playing upon flutes; which is a token that they use, that men may 
know that they come in peace. They said that in our way before 
there was a cacique whose name was Vzachil, a kinsman of the cacique 
of Caliquen their lord, waiting for him with many presents, and they 



132 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

desired the Governor that he would loose the cacique. But he would 
not, fearing that they would rise, and would not give him any guides, 
and sent them away from day to day with good words. He traveled 
five days; he passed by some small towns; he came to a town called 
Napetuca, the 15th day of September. Thither came fourteen or fif- 
teen Indians, and besought the Governor to let loose the cacique of 
Caliquen, their lord. He answered them that he held him not in 
prison, but that he would have him to accompany him to VzacMl. 
The Governor had notice by JoJm Ortiz, that an Indian told him how 
they determined to gather themselves together, and come upon him, 
and give him battle, and take away the cacique from him. The day 
that it was agreed upon, the Governor commanded his men to be in 
readiness, and that the horsemen should be ready armed and on horse- 
back every one in his lodging, because the Indians might not see 
them, and so more confidently come to the town. There came four 
hundred Indians in sight of the camp with their bows and arrows, 
and placed themselves in a wood, and sent two Indians to bid the Go- 
vernor to deliver them the cacique. The Governor with six footmen 
leading the cacique by the hand, and talking with him, to secure the 
Indians, went toward the place where they were. And seeing a fit 
time, commanded to sound a trumpet ; and presently those that were 
in the town in the houses, both horse and foot, set upon the Indians, 
which were so suddenly assaulted, that the greatest care they had was 
which way they should flee. They killed two horses ; one was the 
Governor's, and he was presently horsed again upon another. There 
were thirty or forty Indians slain. The rest fled to two very great 
lakes, that were somewhat distant the one from the other. There they 
were swimming, and the Christians round about them. The caliver- 
men and crossbowmen shot at them from the bank ; but the distance 
being great, and shooting afar off", they did them no hurt. The Go- 
vernor commanded that the same night they should compass one of 
the lakes, because they were so great, that there were not men enough 
to compass them both ; being beset, as soon as night shut in, the In- 
dians, with determination to run away, came swimming very softly to 
the bank ; and to hide themselves they put a water lily leaf on their 
heads. The horsemen, as soon as they perceived it to stir, ran into 
the water to the horses' breasts, and the Indians fled again into the 
lake. So this night passed without any rest on both sides. John Ortiz 
persuaded them that seeing they could not escape, they should yield 
themselves to the Governor ; which they did, enforced thereunto by the 
coldness of the water ; and one by one, he first whom the cold did 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 133 

first overcome, cried to John Ortiz, desiring that they would not kill 
him, for he came to put himself into the hands of the CJ-overnor. By 
the morning watch they made an end of yielding themselves ; only 
twelve principal men, being more honorable and valorous than the 
rest, resolved rather to die than to come into his hands. And the 
Indians of Paracossi, which were now loosed out of chains, went 
swimming to them, and pulled them out by the hair of their heads, 
and they were all put in chains, and the next day were divided among 
the Christians for their service. Being thus in captivity, they deter- 
mined to rebel; and gave in charge to an Indian which was inter- 
preter, and held to be valiant, that as soon as the Grovernor did come 
to speak with him, he should cast his hands about his neck, and 
choke him : who, when he saw opportunity, laid hands on the Gro- 
vernor, and before he cast his hands about his neck, he gave him 
such a blow on the nostrils, that he made them gush out with 
blood, and presently all the rest did rise. He that could get any 
weapons at hand, or the handle wherewith he did grind the maize, 
sought to kill his master, or the first he met before him ; and he that 
could get a lance or sword at hand, bestirred himself in such sort with 
it, as though he had used it all his lifetime. One Indian in the mar- 
ket-place enclosed between fifteen or twenty footmen, made a way like 
a bull, with a sword in his hand, till certain halbardiers of the GrOvernor 
came, which killed him. Another got up with a lance to a loft made 
of canes, which they build to keep their maize in, which they call a 
barbacoa, and there he made such a noise as though ten men had 
been there defending the door ; they slew him with a partizan. The 
Indians were in all about two hundred men. They were all subdued. 
And some of the youngest the GrOvernor gave to them which had 
good chains, and were careful to look to them that they got not 
away. All the rest he commanded to be put to death, being tied 
to a stake in the midst of the market-place; and the Indians of 
the Paracossi did shoot them to death. 

The Governor departed from Nai^etuca the 23d of September; he 
lodged by a river, where two Indians brought him a buck from the 
cacique of UzacMl. The next day he passed by a great town called 
Hapaluya, and lodged at JJzachil, and found no people in it, be- 
cause they durst not tarry for the notice the Indians had of the 
slaughter of Napetuca. He found in that town great store of maize, 
French beans, and pompions, which is their food, and that wherewith 
the Christians there sustained themselves. The maize is like coarse 
millet, and the pompions are better and more savory than those of 



134 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Spain. From thence the Governor sent two captains each a sundry 
way to seek the Indians. They took an hundred men and women ; 
of which as well there as in other place where they made any in- 
roads, the captain chose one or two for the Governor, and divided the 
rest to himself, and those that went with him. They led these In- 
dians in chains with iron collars about their necks; and they served 
to carry their stuff, and to grind their maize, and for other services 
that such captives could do. Sometimes it happened that going for 
wood or maize with them, they killed the Christian that led them, 
and ran away with the chain ; others filed their chains by night with 
a piece of stone, wherewith they cut them, and use it instead of iron. 
Those that were perceived paid for themselves, and for the rest, be- 
cause they should not dare to do the like another time. The women 
and young boys, when they were once an hundred leagues from their 
country, and had forgotten things, they let go loose, and so they 
served; and in a very short space they understood the language of 
the Christians. From UzacMl the Governor departed toward Apalaclie, 
and in two days' journey he came to a town called Axille, and from 
thence forward the Indians were careless, because they had as yet no 
notice of the Christians. The next day in the morning, the first of 
October, he departed from thence, and commanded a bridge to be 
made over a river which he was to pass. The depth of the river 
where the bridge was made, was a stone's cast, and forward a cross- 
bow shot the water came to the waist ; and the wood whereby the 
Indians came to see if they could defend the passage, and disturb 
those which made the bridge, was very high and thick. The cross- 
bowmen so bestirred themselves that they made them give back; and 
certain planks were cast into the river, whereon the men passed, 
which made good the passage. The Governor passed upon Wed- 
nesday, which was St. Francis' day, and lodged at a town which was 
called VitacJiuco, subject to Apalache: he found it burning, for the 
Indians had set it on fire. From thence forward the country was 
much inhabited, and had great store of maize. He passed by many 
granges like hamlets. On Sunday, the 25th of October, he came to 
a town which is called Uzela, and upon Tuesday to Anaica Apalache, 
where the lord of all that country and province was resident ; in 
which town the camp master, whose office is to quarter out, and lodge 
men, did lodge all the company round about within a league, and half 
a league of it. There were other towns, where was great store of 
maize, pompions, French beans, and plums of the country, which are 
better than those of Spain, and they grow in the fields without plant- 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 135 

ing. The victuals that were thought necessary to pass the winter, 
were gathered from these towns to Anaica Apalache. The Governor 
was informed that the sea was ten leagues from thence. He pre- 
sently sent a captain thither with horsemen and footmen. And six 
leagues on the way he found a town which was named Ocliete, and so 
came to the sea ; and found a great tree felled, and cut into pieces, 
with stakes set up like mangers, and saw the skulls of horses. He 
returned with this news. And that was held for certain, which was 
reported of Pamphilo de Narvaez, that there he had built the barks 
wherewith he went out of the land of Florida, and was cast away at 
sea. Presently the G-overnor sent John Danusco with thirty horse- 
men to the Port de Spirito Sa7ito where Calderdn was, with order 
that they should abandon the port, and all of them come to Apalache. 
He departed on Saturday the 17th of November. In Uzacliil and 
other towns that stood in the way he found great store of people 
already careless. He would take none of the Indians, for not hinder- 
ing himself, because it behooved him to give them no leisure to gather 
themselves together. He passed through the towns by night, and 
rested without the towns three or four hours. In ten days he came 
to the Port de Spirito Santo. He carried with him twenty Indian 
women, which he took in Ytara, and Potano, near unto Gale, and 
sent them to Donna Isabella in the two caravels, which he sent from 
the Port de Sp>irito Santo to Cuba. And he carried all the footmen 
in the brigantines, and coasting along the shore came to Apalache. 
And Galderan, with the horsemen, and some crossbowmen on foot, 
went by land; and in some places the Indians set upon him, and 
wounded some of his men. As soon as he came to Apalache, pre- 
sently the Governor sent sawed planks and spikes to the sea-side, 
wherewith was made a piragua or bark, wherein were embarked thirty 
men well armed, which went out of the bay to the sea, looking for 
the brigantines. Sometimes they fought with the Indians, which 
passed along the harbor in their canoes. Upon Saturday, the 29th of 
November, there came an Indian through the watch undiscovered, 
and sat the town on fire, and with the great wind that blew two 
parts of it were consumed in a short time. On Sunday the 28th 
of December, came John Danusco with the brigantines. The Go- 
vernor sent Francisco Maldonado, a captain of footmen, with fifty 
men to discover the coast westward, and to seek some port, because 
he had determined to go by land, and discover that part. That day 
there went out eight horsemen by commandment of the Governor into 
the field, two leagues about the town, to seek Indians; for they were 



136 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Or LOUISIANA. 

now so emboldened, that within two crossbow shot of the camp, they 
came and slew men. They found two men and a woman gathering 
French beans ; the men, though they might have fled, yet because 
they would not leave the woman, which was one of their wives, they 
resolved to die fighting ; and before they were slain, they wounded 
three horses, whereof one died within a few days after. Calderan 
going with his men by the sea-coast, from a wood that was near the 
place, the Indians set upon him, and made him forsake his way, and 
many of them that went with him forsook some necessary victuals, 
which they carried with them. Three or four days after the limited 
time given by the Governor to Maldonado for his going and coming, 
being already determined and resolved, if within eight days he did 
not come, to tarry no longer for him, he came, and brought an In- 
dian from a province which was called Oclms, sixty leagues westward 
from Apalaclie ; where he had found a port of good depth, and de- 
fence against weather. And because the Governor hoped to find a 
good country forward, he was very well contented. And he sent 
Maldonado for victuals to Havana, with order that he should tarry 
for him at the port of OcJms, which he had discovered, for he would 
go seek it by land; and if he should chance to stay, and not come 
thither that summer, that then he should return to Havana, and 
should come again the next summer after, and tarry for him at that 
port ; for he said he would do none other thing but go to seek Oclms. 
Francisco Maldonado departed, and in his place for captain of the 
footmen remained Jolm de Guzman. Of those Indians which were 
taken in Napetuca, the Treasurer John Gaytan had a young man, 
which said that he was not of that country, but of another far off 
toward the sun rising, and that it was long since he had traveled to 
see countries ; and that his country was called Yiipaha, and that a 
woman did govern it ; and that the town where she was resident was 
of a wonderful bigness, and that many lords round about were tribu- 
taries to her J and some gave her clothes, and others gold in abund- 
ance ; and he told how it was taken out of the mines, and was molten 
and refined, as if he had seen it done, or the devil had taught it 
him. So that all those which knew anything concerning the same, 
said that it was impossible to give so good a relation, without having 
seen it ; and all of them, as if they had seen it, by the signs that he 
gave, believed all that he said to be true. 

On Wednesday, the third of March, of the year 1540, the Go- 
vernor departed from Anaica Apalaclie to seek Yupalia. He com- 
manded his men to go provided with maize for sixty leagues of desert. 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 137 

The horsemen carried their maize on their horses, and the footmen at 
their sides ; because the Indians that were for service, with their 
miserable life that they led that winter, being naked and in chains, 
died for the most part. Within four days' journey they came to a great 
river ; and they made a piragua or ferry boat, and because of the 
great current, they made a cable with chains, which they fastened on 
both sides of the river ; and the ferry boat went along by it, and the 
horses swam over, being drawn with capstans. Having passed the 
river in a day and a half, they came to a town called Capachiqui. 
Upon Friday the 11th of March, they found Indians in arms. The 
next day five Christians went to seek mortars, which the Indians 
have to' beat their maize, and they went to certain houses on the back 
side of the camp environed with a wood. And within the wood were 
many Indians which came to spy us; of the which came other five 
and set upon us. One of the Christians came running away, giving 
an alarm unto the camp. Those which were most ready answered 
the alarm. They found one Christian dead, and three sore wounded. 
The Indians fled unto a lake adjoining near a very thick wood, where, 
the horses could not enter. The Governor departed from Capach'qui 
and passed through a desert. On Wednesday, the twenty-first of the 
month, he came to a town called Toalli ; and from thence forward 
there was a difference in the houses. For those which were behind 
us were thatched with straw, and those of Toalli were covered with 
reeds, in manner of tiles. These houses are very cleanly. Some of 
them had walls daubed with clay, which showed like a mud-wall. In 
all the cold country the Indians have every one a house for the win- 
ter daubed with clay within and without, and the door is very little ; they 
shut it by night, and make fire within ; so that they are in it as warm 
as in a stove, and so it continueth all night that they need not clothes; 
and besides these they have others for summer ; and their kitchens 
near them, where they make fire and bake their bread; and they have 
barbacoas wherein they keep their maize ; which is a house set up 
in the air upon four stakes, boarded about like a chamber, and the 
floor of it is of cane hurdles. The difference which lords or principal 
men's houses have from the rest, besides they be greater, is, that 
they have great galleries in their fronts, and under them seats made 
of canes in manner of benches ; and round about them they have 
many lofts, wherein they lay up that which the Indians do give them 
for tribute, which is maize, deers' skins, and mantles of the country, 
which are like blankets ; they make them of the inner rind of the barks 
of trees, and some of a kind of grass like unto nettles, which being 



138 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Or LOUISIANA. 

beatea, is like unto flax. The women cover themselves with these 
mantles j they put one about them from the waist downward, and 
another over their shoulder, with their right arm out, like unto the 
Egyptians. The men wear but one mantle upon their shoulders after 
the same manner ; and have their secrets hid with a deer's skin, made 
like a linen breech, which was wont to be used in Spain. The skins 
are well curried, and they give them what color they list, so perfect, 
that if it be red, it seemeth a very fine cloth in grain, and the black 
is most fine, and of the same leather they make shoes ; and they dye 
their mantles in the same colors. The Grovernor departed from ToaUi 
the 24th of March ; he came on Thursday at evening to a small 
river, where a bridge was made whereon the people passed, and Benit 
Fernandez, a Portuguese, fell off from it, and was drowned. As soon 
as the Governor had passed the river, a little distance thence he found 
a town called Acliese. The Indians had no notice of the Christians : 
they leaped into a river : some men and women were taken, among 
which was one that understood the youth which guided the Governor 
to Ynpaha; whereby that which he had reported was more confirmed. 
For they had passed through countries of di7ers languages, and some 
which he understood not. The Governor sent by one of the Indians 
that were taken to call the cacique, which was on the other side of 
the river. He came, and made this speech following : 

" Right high, right mighty, and excellent lord, those things which 
seldom happen do cause admiration. What then may the sight of 
your lordship and your people do to me and mine, whom we never 
saw? especially being mounted on such fierce beasts as your horses 
are, entering with such violence and fury into my country, without 
my knowledge of your coming. It was a thing so strange, and caused 
such fear and terror in our minds, that it was not in our power to 
stay and receive your lordship with the solemnity due to so high and 
renowned a prince as your lordship is. And trusting in yoiu- great- 
ness and singular virtues, I do not only hope to be freed from blame, 
but also to receive favors ; and the first which I demand of your lord- 
ship is, that you will use me, my country, and subjects as your own ; 
and the second, that you will tell me who you are, and whence you 
come, and whither you go, and what you seek, that I the better may 
serve you therein." 

The Governor answered him, that he thanked him as much for his 
offer and good-will as if he had received it, and as if he had offered 
him a great treasure ; and told him that he was. the son of the Sun, 
and came from those parts where he dwelt, and traveled through that 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 139 

country, and sought the greatest lord and richest province that was in 
it. The cacique told him that farther forward dwelt a great lord, and 
that his dominion was called Ociite. He gave him a guide and an 
interpreter for that province. The Governor commanded his Indians 
to be set free, and traveled through his country up a river very well 
inhabited. He departed from his town the first of April ; and left a 
very high cross of wood set up in the midst of the market-place ; 
and because the time gave no more leisure, he declared to him only 
that that cross was a memory of the same whereon Christ, which was 
God and man, and created the heavens and the earth, suffered for our 
salvation ; therefore he exhorted them that they should reverence it, 
and they made show as though they would do so. The fourth of April 
the Governor passed by a town called Altamaca, and the tenth of the 
month he came to Ocute. The cacique sent him two thousand Indians 
with a present, to wit, many conies and partridges, bread of maize, 
two hens, and many dogs; which among the Christians were esteemed 
as if they had been fat wethers, because of the great want of flesh 
meat and salt, and hereof in many places, and many times was great 
need; and they were so scarce, that if a man fell sick, there was 
nothing to cherish him withal ; and with a sickness, that in another 
place easily might have been remedied, he consumed away till nothing 
but skin and bones were left ; and they died of pure weakness, some 
of them saying, '' If I had a slice of meat or a few corns of salt, I 
should not die. The Indians want no flesh meat; for they kill with 
their arrows many deer, hens, conies, and other wild fowl, for they 
are very cunning at it, which skill the Christians had not; and 
though they had it, they had no leisure to use it ; for the most of the 
time they spenfr in travel, and durst not presume to straggle aside. 
And because they were thus scanted of flesh, when six hundred men 
that went with Soto came to any town, and found thirty or forty 
dogs, he that could get one and kill it thought himself no small man ; 
and he that killed it and gave not his captain one quarter, if he knew 
it he frowned on him, and made him feel it in the watches, or in any 
other matter of labor that was offered, wherein he might do him a 
displeasure. On Monday, the twelfth of April, 1540, the Governor de- 
parted from Ocute. The cacique gave him two hundred Tavienes, to 
wit, Indians to carry burdens ; he passed through a town, the lord 
whereof was named Cofaqui, and came to a province of an Indian 
lord called Putofa, who because he was in peace with the lord of 
Ocute, and with the other bordering lords, had many days before 
notice of the Governor, and desired to see him. He came to visit 
him, and made this speech following. 



140 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

" Miglity lord, now with good reason I will crave of fortune to re- 
quite this my so great prosperity with some small adversity ; and I will 
count myself very rich, seeing that I have obtained that which in this 
world I most desired, which is to see and be able to do your lordship 
some service. And although the tongue be the image of that which 
is in the heart, and that the contentment which I feel in my heart I 
cannot dissemble, yet is it not sufficient wholly to manifest the 
same. Where did this your country, which I do govern, deserve to 
be visited of so sovereign and so excellent a prince, whom all the rest 
of the world ought to obey and serve ? And those which inhabit it 
being so base, what shall be the issue of such happiness, if their 
memory do not represent unto them some adversity that may betide 
them, according to the order of fortune ? If from this day forward 
we may be capable of this benefit, that your lordship will hold us for 
your own, we cannot fail to be favored and maintained in true justice 
and reason, and to have the name of men. For such as are void of 
reason and justice, may be compared to brute beasts. For mine own 
part, from my very heart with reverence due to such a prince, I offer 
myself unto your lordship, and beseech you, that in reward of this 
my true good will, you will vouchsafe to make use of mine own per- 
son, my country, and subjects." 

The Governor answered him, that his offers and good-will declared 
by the effect, did highly please him, whereof he would always be 
mindful to honor and favor him as his brother. This country, from 
the first peaceable cacique, unto the province of Patofa, which were 
fifty leagues, is a fat country, beautiful, and very fruitful, and very 
well watered, and full of good rivers. And from thence to the Port 
de Sjririto Santo, where we first arrived in the land of Florida (which 
may be three hundred and fifty leagues, little more or less), is a bar- 
ren land, and the most of it groves of wild pine trees, low and full of 
lakes, and in some places very high and thick groves, whither the In- 
dians that were in arms fled, so that no man could find them, neither 
could any horses enter into them, which was an inconvenience to the 
Christians, in regard of the victuals which they found conveyed away; 
and of the troubles which they had in seeking of Indians to be their 
guides. 

In the town of Patofa the youth which the Governor carried with 
him for an interpreter and a guide, began to foam at the mouth, and 
tumble on the ground, as one possessed with the devil : they said a 
gospel over him, and the fit left him. And he said, that four days' 
journey from thence toward the sun rising, was the province that he 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 141 

spoke of. The Indians of Patofa said, that toward that part they 
knew no habitation ; but that toward the north-west, they knew a 
province which was called Coca, a very plentiful country, which had 
very great towns in it. The cacique told the Grovernor that if he would 
go thither, he would give him guides and Indians for burdens ; and if 
he would go whither the youth spake of, that he would likewise give 
him those that he needed ; and so with loving words and offers of cour- 
tesy, they took their leaves the one of the other. He gave him seven 
hundred Indians to bear burdens. He took maize for four days' jour- 
ney. He traveled six days by a path which grew narrow more and 
more, till it was lost altogether. He went where the youth did lead 
him, and passed two rivers, which were waded : each of them was two 
crossbow shots over ; the water came to the stirrups, and had so great 
a current, that it was needful for the horsemen to stand one before 
another, that the footmen might pass above them, leaning unto them. 
He came to another river of a great current and largeness, which was 
passed with more trouble, because the horses did swim at the coming 
out, about a lance's length. Having passed this river, the Governor 
came to a grove of pine trees, and threatened the youth, and made 
as though he would have cast him to the dogs, because he had told 
him a lie, saying, it was but four days' journey, and they had traveled 
nine, and every day seven or eight leagues, and the men by this time 
were grown weary and weak, and the horses lean through the great 
scanting of the maize. The youth said that he knew not where he 
was. It saved him that he was not cast to the dogs, that there was 
never another whom John Ortiz did understand. The Governor, with 
them two, and with some horsemen and footmen, leaving the camp in 
a grove of pine trees, traveled that day five or six leagues to seek a 
way, and returned at night very comfortless, and without finding any 
sign of way or town. The next day there were sundry opinions de- 
livered, whether they should go back, or what they should do ; and 
because backward the country whereby they had passed was greatly 
spoiled, and destitute of maize,*" and that which they brought with 
them was spent, and the men were very weak, and the horses likewise, 
they doubted much whether they might come to any place where they 
might help themselves. And besides this, they were of opinion, that 
going in that sort out of order, that any Indians would presume to set 
upon them, so that with hunger or with war, they could not escape. 
The Governor determined to send horsemen from thence every way to 
seek habitation ; and the next day he sent four captains, every one a 
sundry way with eight horsemen. At night they came again, leading 



142 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

their horses, or driving them with a stick before ; for they were weary, 
that they could not lead them, neither found they any way or sign of 
habitation. The next day the Governor sent other four with as many 
horsemen that could swim, to pass the swamps and rivers which they 
should find, and they had choice horses, the best that were in the 
camp. The captains were Baltasar de Galler/os, which went up the 
river ; and John Damisco down the river ; Alfunso Romo and Jolin 
Rodriguez Lohillo went into the inward parts of the land. The Go- 
vernor brought with him into Florida thirteen sows, and had by this 
time three hundred swine. He commanded every man should have 
half a pound of hog's flesh every day, and this he did three or four 
days after the maize was all spent. With this small quantity of flesh, 
and some sodden herbs, with much trouble the people were sustained. 
The Governor dismissed the Indians of Patofa, because he had no 
food to give them ; who desiring to accompany and serve the Chris- 
tians in their necessity, making show that it grieved them very much 
to return until they had left them in a peopled country, returned to 
their own home. John Danusco came on Sunday late in the evening, 
and brought news that he had found a little town twelve or thirteen 
leagues from thence : he brought a woman and a boy that he took there. 
With his coming and with those news, the Governor and all the rest were 
so glad that they seemed at that instant to have returned from death to 
life. Upon Monday, the twenty-sixth of April, the Governor departed 
to go to the town, which was called Aymay ; and the Christians named 
it the town of Relief. He left where the camp had lain at the foot 
of a pine tree, a letter buried, and letters carved in the bark of the 
pine, the contents whereof was this: Dig here at the foot of this pine, 
and you shall find a letter. And this he did, because when the cap- 
tains came, which were sent to seek some habitation, they might 
see the letter, and know what was become of the Governor, and 
which way he was gone. There was no other way to the town, but 
the marks that John Danusco left made upon the trees. The Governor, 
with some of them that had the best-horses, came to it on the Mon- 
day; and all the rest inforcing themselves the best way they could, 
some of them lodged within two leagues of the town, some within 
three and four, every one as he was able to go, and his strength served 
him. There was found in the town a store-house full of the flour 
of parched maize ; and some maize, which was distributed by allow- 
ance. Here were four Indians taken, and none of them would con- 
fess any other thing, but that they knew of none other habitation. 
The Governor commanded one of them to be burned, and presently 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 143 

another confessed that two days' journey from thence, there was a 
province that was called CutifacMqui. Upon Wednesday came the 
captains Baltasar de Gallegos, Alfonso Romo, and John Rodriguez 
Lolilh, for they had found the letter, and followed the way which the 
Governor had taken toward the town. Two men of John Rodriguez's 
company were lost, because their horses tired ; the Grovernor checked 
him very sore for leaving them behind, and sent to seek them ; and 
as soon as they came he departed toward CutifacMqui. In the way 
three Indians were taken, which said that the lady of. that country 
had notice already of the Christians, and stayed for them in a town 
of hers. The Grovernor sent by one of them to offer her his friend- 
ship, and to advertise her how he was coming thither. The Governor 
came unto the town, and presently there came four canoes to him; in 
one of them came a sister of the lady, and approaching to the Go- 
vernor she said these words : 

" Excellent lord, my sister sendeth unto you by me to kiss your 
lordship's hands, and to signify unto you that the cause why she came 
not in person, is, that she thinketh to do you greater service staying 
behind, as she doth, giving order that with all speed all her canoes 
be ready, that your lordship may pass the river,, and take your rest, 
which shall presently be performed." 

The Governor gave her thanks, and she returned to the other side 
of the river. Within a little while the lady (Cutifachiqui) came out 
of the town in a chair, whereon certain of the principal Indians 
brought her to the river. She entered into a barge which had the 
stern tilted over, and on the floor her mat ready laid with two cushions 
upon it one upon another, where she sat her down ; and with her 
came her principal Indians in other barges, which did wait upon ''her. 
She went to the place where the Governor was, and at her coming she 
made this speech following : 

" Excellent lord, I wish this coming of your lordship into these 
your countries to be most happy ; although my power be not answer- 
able to my will, and my services be not according to my desire, nor 
such as so high a prince as your lordship deserveth ; yet since the 
good-will is rather to be accepted than all the treasures of the world, 
that without it are offered with most unfailable and manifest affection, 
I offer you my person, lands, and subjects, and this small service." 

And therewithal she presented unto him great store of clothes of 
the country, which she brought in other canoes, to wit, mantles and 
skins; and took from her own neck a great cordon of pearls, and cast 
it about the neck of the Governor, entertaining him with very gracious 



144 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

speeches of love and courtesy, and commanded canoes to be brought 
thither, wherein the G-overnor and his people passed the river. As 
soon as he was lodged in the town, she (Cutifachiqui) sent him ano- 
ther present of many hens. This country was very pleasant, fat, and 
hath goodly meadows by the rivers. Their woods are thin, and full 
of walnut trees and mulberry trees. They said the sea was two days' 
journey from thence. Within a league and half a league about this 
town were great towns dispeopled, and overgrown with grass ; which 
showed that they had been long without inhabitants. The Indians 
said that two years before there was a plague in that country, and that 
they removed to other towns. There was in their storehouses great 
quantity of clothes, mantles of yarn made of the barks of trees, and 
others made of feathers, white, green, red, and yellow, very fine after 
their use, and profitable for winter. There were also many deer's 
skins, with many compartments traced in them, and some of them 
made into hose, stockings, and shoes. And the lady perceiving that 
the Christians esteemed the pearls, advised the Grovernor to send to 
search certain graves that were in that town, and that he should find 
many; and that if he would send to the dispeopled towns he might load 
all his horses. They sought the graves of that town, and there found 
fourteen rows of pearls (three hundred and ninety-two pounds), and little 
babies and birds made of them. The people were brown, well made, 
and well proportioned, and more civil than any others that were seen 
in all the country of Florida, and all of them went shod and clothed. 
The youth told the Governor that he began now to enter into the 
land which he spoke of; and some credit was given him that it was 
so, because he understood the language of the Indians ; and he re- 
quested that he might be christened, for he said he desired to be- 
come a Christian. He was christened, and named Peter ; and the 
Governor commanded him to be loosed from a chain, in which until 
that time he had gone. This country, as the Indians reported, had 
been much inhabited, and had the fame of a good country. And as 
it seemeth, the youth, which was the Governor's guide, had heard of 
it, and that which he knew by hearsay, he affirmed that he had seen, 
and augmented at his pleasure. In this town was found a dagger, 
and beads that belonged to Christians. The Indians reported that 
Christians had been in the haven (St. Helena), which was two days' 
journey from this town, many years ago. He that came thither was 
the Governor, the Licentiate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, which went to 
conquer this country, and at his coming to the port he died (1525); 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 145 

and there was a division, quarrels and slaughters between some prin- 
cipal men which went with him, for the principal government. And 
without knowing anything of the country, they returned home to His- 
paniola. All the company thought it good to inhabit that country, 
because it was in a temperate climate (32° 30'). And that if it were 
inhabited, all the ships of New Spain, of Peru, Santa Martha, and 
Terra Firma, in their return for Spain might well touch there, because 
it was in their way, and because it was a good country, and sited fit 
to raise commodity. The Governor, since his intent was to seek ano- 
ther treasure, like that of Atabalipa, Lord of Peru, was not contented 
with a good country, nor with pearls, though many of them were 
^worth their weight in gold. And if the country had been divided 
among the Christians, those which the Indians had fished for after- 
wards would have been of more value ; for those which they had, be- 
cause they burned them in the fire, did lessen their color. The Gro- 
vernor answered them that urged him to inhabit, that in all the coun- 
try there were not victuals to sustain his men one month ; and that 
it was needful to resort to the Port of Ocus, where Maldonado was 
to stay for them : and that if no richer country were found, they 
might return again to that whensoever they would ; and in the mean- 
time the Indians would sow their fields, and it would be better fur- 
nished with maize. He inquired of the Indians whether they had 
notice of any great lord farther into the land. They told him that 
twelve days' journey from thence* there was a province called Cliiaha, 
subject to the Lord of Coca. Presently the Grovernor determined to 
seek that land. And being a stern man, and of few words, though 
be was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men, yet after he had 
delivered his own, he would not be contraried, and always did what 
liked himself, and so all men did condescend unto his will. And 
though it seemed an error to leave that country (for others might 
have been sought round about, where the people might have been 
sustained until the harvest had been ready there, and the maize 
gathered), yet there was none that would say anything against him, 
after they knew his resolution. 

The Grovernor departed from Cutifacliiqui the third day of May. 
And because the Indians had revolted, and the will of the lady was 
perceived, that if she could, she would depart without giving any 
guides or men for burden, for the wrongs which the Christians had 
done to the Indians (for there never want some among many of a 

* Twelve days from St. Helena, and Coste seven days' journey from Chialia. 
11 



146 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

base sort, that for a little gain do put themselves and others in danger 
of undoing), the Governor commanded her to be kept in safeguard, 
and carried with him, not with so good usage as she deserved for the 
good- will she showed, and good entertainment that she had made him. 
And he verified that old proverb which saith : " For well-doing I re- 
ceive evil." And so he carried her on foot with his bondwomen to 
look unto her. In all the towns where the Grovernor passed, the lady 
commanded the Indians to come and carry the burdens from one town 
to another. We passed through her country an hundred leagues, in 
which, as we saw, she was much obeyed, for the Indians did all that she 
commanded them with great efficacy and diligence. Peter, the youth 
that was our guide, said that she was not the lady herself, but a niece 
of hers, which came to that town to execute certain principal men by 
commandment of the lady, which had withheld her tribute ; which 
words were not believed, because of the lies which they had found in 
him before ; but they bare with all things because of the need which 
they had of him to declare what the Indians said. In seven days' 
space the Governor came to a province called Ohalaque, the poorest 
country of maize that was seen in Florida. The Indians feed upon 
roots and herbs, which they seek in the fields, and upon wild beasts, 
which they kill with their bows and arrows, and are a very gentle 
people. All of them go naked, and are very lean. There was a 
Lord (Cutifachiqui), which for a great present, brought the Governor 
two deer skins; and there were in that country many wild hens. In one 
town they made him a present of seven hundred hens, and so in 
other towns they sent him those which they had or could get. From 
this province to another, which is called Xualla, he spent five days. 
Here he found very little maize, and for this cause, though the people 
were wearied, and the horses very weak, he staid no more but two 
days. From Ocute to Cutifachiqui, may be some hundred and thirty 
leagues, whereof eighty are wilderness. From Cutifacliiqui to Xualla 
two hundred and fifty, and it is a hilly country. The Governor de- 
parted from Xualla towards Guaxule — he passed very rough and 
high hills. In that journey, the lady of Cutifachiqui (whom the 
Governor carried with him, as is aforesaid, with purpose to carry her 
to Guaxule, because her territory reached thither), going on a day 
with the bondwomen which led her, went out of the way, and entered 
into a wood, saying she went to ease herself, and so she deceived 
them, and hid herself in the wood; and though they sought her they 
could not find her. She carried away with her a little chest made of 



EXPEDITION or HERNANDO DE SOTO. 147 

canes in manner of a coffer, whicli they call petaca, full of unbored 
pearls. Some which could judge of them, said that they were of 
great value. An Indian woman that waited on her did carry them. 
The Governor, not to discontent her altogether, left them with her, 
making account that in Guaxule he would ask them of her, when he 
gave her leave to return ; which coffer she carried away and went to 
Xualla with three slaves which fled from the camp, and one horseman 
which remained behind, who, falling sick of an ague, went out of the 
way and was lost. This man, whose name was Alimamos, dealt with 
the slaves to change their evil purpose, and return with him to the 
Christians, which two of them did; and Alimamos and they over- 
took the Grovernor fifty leagues from thence in a province called 
Qliiaha ; and reported how the lady remained in Xualla with a slave 
of Andrew de Vasconcelhs, which would not come back with them; 
and that of a certainty they lived as man and wife together, and 
meant to go both to Cuti/acMqui. Within five days the GrOvernor 
came to Guaxide. The Indians there gave him a present of three 
hundred dogs, because they saw the Christians esteem them, and 
sought them to feed on them ; for among them they are not eaten . 
In Guaxule, and all that way, was very little maize. The Grovernor 
sent from thence an Indian with a message to the cacique of GMaJia, 
to desire him to gather some maize thither, that he might rest a few 
days in Chiaha. The Governor departed from Guaxule, and in two 
days' journey came to a town called Canasagua. There met him on 
the way twenty Indians, every one loaded with a basketful of mul- 
berries; for there be many, and those very good, from Cutifachiqui 
thither, and so forward in other provinces, and also nuts and plums. 
And the trees grow in the fields without planting or dressing them, 
and as big and as rank as though they grew in gardens digged and 
watered. From the time that the Governor departed from Canasagua, 
he journeyed five days through a desert; and two leagues before he 
came to Chiaha, there met him fifteen Indians loaded with maize, 
which the cacique had sent ; and they told him on his behalf, that he 
waited his coming with twenty barns full of it ; and further, that 
himself, his country, and subjects, and all things else were at his ser- 
vice. On the fifth day of June, the Governor entered into Chiaha. 
The cacique voided his own houses, in which he lodged, and received 
him with much joy, saying these words following : — 

" Mighty and excellent lord, I hold myself for so happy a man, in 
that it hath pleased your lordship to use me, that nothing could have 



148 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

happened unto me of more contentment, nor that I -would have es- 
teemed so much. From Guaxule your lordship sent unto me, that I 
should prepare maize for you in this town for two months. Here I 
have for you twenty hams full of the choicest that in all the country 
could he found. If your lordship he not entertained by me in such 
sort as is fit for so high a prince, respect my tender age, which es- 
cuseth me from blame, and receive my good-will, which with much 
loyalty, truth and sincerity, I will always show in anything which 
shall concern your lordship's service." 

The Grovernor answered him that he thanked him very much for his 
service and ofier, and that he would always account him as his 
brother. There was in this town much butter in gourds melted like 
oil — they said it was the fat of bears. There was found, also, great 
store of oil of walnuts, which was clear as butter, and of a good 
taste, and a pot full of honey of bees, which neither before nor after- 
ward was seen in all the country. The town was an island between 
two arms of a river, and was seated nigh one of them. The river 
divideth itself into those two branches, two crossbow shots above the 
town, and meeteth again a league beneath the same. The plain be- 
tween both the branches is sometimes one crossbow shot, sometimes 
two crossbow shots over. The branches are very broad, and both of 
them may be waded over. There were along them very good mea- 
dows, and many fields sown with maize. And because the Indians 
staid in their town, the GrOvernor only lodged in the houses of the 
cacique, and his people in the fields ; where there was ever a tree every 
one took one for himself. Thus the camp lay separated one from 
another, and out of order. The Governor winked at it, because the 
Indians were in peace, and because it was very hot, and the people 
should have suffered great extremity if it had not been so. The 
horses came thither so weak, that for feebleness they were not able to 
carry their masters; because that from Cutifacliiqui, they always 
traveled with very little provender, and were hunger-starved and tired 
ever since they came from the desert of Ocute. And because the 
most of them were not in case to use in battle, though need should 
require, they sent them to feed in the night a quarter of a league 
from the camp. The Christians were there in great danger, because 
that if at this time the Indians had set upon them, they had been in 
evil case to have defended themselves. The Grovernor rested there 
thirty days, in which time, because the country was very fruitful, the 
horses grew fat. At the time of his departure, by the importunity of 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 149 

some, wMch would have more than was reason, he demanded of the 
cacique thirty women to make slaves of. He answered that he would 
confer with his chief men. And before he returned an answer, one 
night all of them with their wives and children forsook the town, and 
fled away. The next day, the Governor proposing to go to seek 
them, the cacique came unto him, and at his coming used these words 
unto the Governor : — 

" Mighty lord, with shame and fear of your lordship, because my 
subjects against my will have done amiss in absenting themselves, I 
went my way without your license; and knowing the error which I 
have committed, like a loyal subject, I come to yield myself into your 
power, to dispose of me at your own pleasure. For my subjects do 
not obey me, nor do anything but what an uncle of mine commandeth, 
which governeth this country for me, until I be of a perfect age. If 
your lordship will pursue them, and execute on them that, which for 
their disobedience they deserve, I will be your guide, since at this 
present my fortune will not suffer me to perform any more." 

Presently, the Governor with thirty horsemen, and as many footmen,, 
went to seek the Indians, and passing by some towns of the principal 
Indians which had absented themselves, he cut and destroyed great; 
fields of maize; and went up the river, where the Indians were in an 
island, where the horsemen could not come at them. There he sent 
them word by an Indian to return to their town and fear nothing, 
and that they should give his men to carry burdens, as all those 
behind had done ; for he would have no Indian women, seeing they 
were so loth to part with them. The Indians accepted his request, 
and came to the Governor to excuse themselves; and so all of them 
returned to their town. A cacique of a province called Coste, came 
to this town to visit the Governor. After he had offered himself, and 
passed with him some words of tendering his service and courtesy, the 
Governor asking him whether he had notice of any rich country? he 
said yea: to wit, that toward the north there was a province named 
CMsca :* and that there was a melting of copper, and of another 
metal of the same color, save that it was finer, and of a far more per- 
fect color, and far better to the sight; and that they used it not so 
much, because it was softer. And the self same thing was told the 
Governor in Outifachiqui, where we saw some little hatchets of cop- 
per, which were said to have a mixture of gold. But in that part 

* Chisca is directly north from Cutifachiqui, which is within two days of 
St. Helena. 



150 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

the country was not well peopled, and they said there were mountains, 
which the horses could not pass : and for that cause, the Grovernor 
would not go from Cutifachiqui directly thither: and he made ac- 
count, that traveling through a peopled country, when his men and 
horses should be in better plight, and he were better certified of the 
truth of the thing, he would return toward it, by mountains, and a 
better inhabited country, whereby he might have better passage. He 
sent two Christians from Chiaha with certain Indians which knew 
the country of Chisca, and the language thereof, to view it, and to 
make report of that which they should find; where he told them that 
he would tarry for them. 

When the Governor was determined to depart from Chiaha to Coste, 
he sent for the cacique to come before him, and with gentle words 
took his leave of him, and gave him certain things, wherewith he 
rested much contented. In seven days he came to Coste. The second 
of July he commanded his camp to be pitched two crossbow shots from 
the town : and with eight men of his guard he went where he found 
the cacique, which to his thinking received him with great love. As 
he was talking with him, there went from the camp certain footmen 
to the town to seek some maize, and not contented with it, they ran- 
sacked and searched the houses, and took what they found. With 
this despite, the Indians began to rise and to take their arms : and 
some of them, with cudgels in their hands, ran upon five or sis Chris- 
tians, which had done them wrong, and beat them at their pleasure. 
The Grovernor seeing them all in an uproar, and himself among them 
with so few Christians, to escape their hands used a stratagem, far 
against his own disposition, being, as he was, very frank and open : 
and though it grieved him very much that any Indian should be so 
bold, as with reason, or without reason to despise the Christians, he 
took up a cudgel, and took their parts against his own men; which 
was a means to quiet them. And presently he sent word by a man 
very secretly to the camp, that some .armed men should come toward 
the place where he was ; and he took the cacique by the hand, using 
very mild words unto him, and with some principal Indians that did 
accompany him, he drew them out of the town into a plain way, and 
unto the sight of the camp, whither by little and little with good dis- 
cretion the Christians began to come and to gather about them. Thus 
the Grovernor led the cacique and his chief men until he entered with 
them into the camp : and near unto his tent he commanded them to 
be put in safe custody; and told them that they should not depart 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 151 

witliout giving him a guide and Indians for burdens, and till certain 
sick Christians were come, which he had commanded to come down 
the river in canoes from Chiaha; and those also which he had sent 
to the province of CMsca: (for they were not returned; and he 
feared that the Indians had slain the one, and the other.) Within 
three days after, those which were sent to CMsca returned, and made 
report that the Indians had carried them through a country so poor 
of maize, and so rough, and over so high mountains, that it was im- 
possible for the army to travel that way; and that seeing the way 
grew very long, and that they lingered much, they consulted to return 
from a little poor town, where they saw nothing that was of any profit, 
and brought an ox hide, which the Indians gave them, as thin as a 
calf's skin, and the hair like a soft wool, between the coarse and fine 
wool of sheep. The cacique gave a guide, and men for burdens, and 
departed with the Grovernor's leave. The Governor departed from 
Coste the ninth of July, and lodged at a town called Tali. The ca- 
cique came forth to receive him on the way, and made this speech : — 

" Excellent lord and prince, worthy to be served and obeyed of all 
the princes in the world ; howsoever for the most part by the outward 
physiognomy the inward virtue may be judged, and that who you 
are, and of what strength, was known unto me before now : I will not 
infer hereupon how mean I am in your presence, to hope that my 
poor services will be grateful and acceptable : since whereas strength 
faileth, the will dcith not cease to be praised and accepted. And for 
this cause I presume to request your lordship, that you will be pleased 
only to respect the same, and consider wherein you will command my 
service in this your country." 

The Governor answered him, that his good-will and ofier was as 
acceptable unto him as if he had offered him all the treasures of the 
world, and that he would always entreat, favor, and esteem him as if 
he were his own brother. The cacique commanded provision neces- 
sary for two days, while the Governor was there, to be brought thither : 
and at the time of his departure, he gave him four women and two 
men, which he had need of to bear burdens. The Governor traveled 
six days through many towns subject to the cacique of Coga: and as 
he entered into his country many Indians came unto him every day 
from the caeique, and met him on the way with messages, one going, 
and another coming. He came to Coca upon Friday, the 26th of 
July. The cacique came forth to receive him two crossbow shots from 
the town in a chair, which his principal men carried on their shoul- 



152 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

ders, sitting upon a cushion, and covered with a garment of martems, 
of the fashion and bigness of a woman's huke : he had on his head a 
diadem of feathers, and round about him many Indians playing upon 
flutes, and singing. As soon as he came unto the Governor, he did his 
obeyance, and uttered these words following : — 

"Excellent and mighty lord, above all them of the earth, al- 
though I come but now to receive you, yet I have received you many 
days ago in my heart, to wit, from the day wherein I had first notice 
of your lordship: with so great desire to serve you, with so great 
pleasure and contentment, that this which I make show of, is nothing 
in regard of that which is in my heart, neither can it have any kind 
of comparison. This you may hold for certain, that to obtain the 
dominion of the whole world, would not have rejoiced me so much as 
your sight, neither would I have held it for so great a felicity. Do 
not look for me to offer you that which is your own, to wit, my per- 
son, my lands, and subjects; only I will busy myself in commanding 
my men with all diligence and due reverence to welcome you from 
hence to the town with playing and singing, where your lordship 
shall be lodged and attended upon by myself and them ; and all that 
I possess your lordship shall use as it were your own. For your 
lordship shall do me a very great favor in so doing." 

The Grovernor gave him thanks, and with great joy they both went 
conferring together till they came to the town ; and he commanded his 
Indians to void their houses, wherein the Governor and his men were 
lodged. There was in the barns and in the fields great store of maize 
and French beans. The country was greatly inhabited with many 
great towns, and many sown fields, which reached from the one to the 
other. It was pleasant, fat, full of good meadows upon rivers. There 
were in the fields many plum trees, as well of such as grow in Spain 
as of the country ; and wild tall vines, that run up the trees ; and 
besides these there were other low vines with big and sweet grapes; 
but for want of digging and dressing, they had great kernels in them. 
The Governor used to set a guard over the caciques, because they 
should not absent themselves, and carried them with him till he came 
out of their countries; because that carrying them along with him, 
he looked to find people in the towns, and they gave him guides, and 
men to carry burdens; and before he went out of their countries, he 
gave them license to return to their houses, and to their porters like- 
wise, as soon as he came to any other lordship where they gave him 
others. The men of Co(^a seeing their lord detained, took it in evil 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 153 

part, and revolted, and hid themselves in the woods, as well those 
of the town of the cacique, as those of the other towns of his princi- 
pal subjects. The Grovernor sent out four captains, every one his way, 
to seek them. They took many men and women, which were put into 
chains. They seeing the hurt which they received, and how little 
they gained in absenting themselves, came again, promising to do 
whatsoever they were commanded. Of those which were taken 
prisoners, some principal men were set at liberty, whom the cacique 
demanded; and every one that had any, carried the rest in chains like 
slaves, without letting them go to their country. Neither did any re- 
turn, but some few, whose fortune helped them with the good dili- 
gence which they used to file off their chains by night, or such as in 
their traveling could slip aside out of the way, seeing any negligence 
in them that kept them ; some escaped away with the chains, and 
with the burdens and clothes which they carried. 

The Governor rested in Ooga twenty-five days. He departed from 
thence the twentieth of August, to seek a province called Tascaluca; 
he carried with him the cacique of Coga. He passed that day by a 
great town called Tallimuchase ; the people were fled ; he lodged half 
a league further, near a brook. The next day he came to a town called 
Ytaua, subject to Coga. He staid there six days, because of a river 
that passed by it, which at that time was very high ; and as soon as 
the river suffered him to pass, he set forward, and lodged at a town 
named Ullihdiiali. There came to him on the way, of the caciques in 
behalf of that province, ten or twelve principal Indians to offer him 
their service ; all of them had their plumes of feathers, and bows and 
arrows. The Grovernor coming to the town with twelve horsemen, 
and some footmen of his guard, leaving his people a crossbow shot 
from the town, entered into it ; he found all the Indians with their 
weapons, and as far as he could guess, they seemed to have some evil 
meaning. It was known afterwards that they were determined to 
take the cacique of Coca from the Governor, if he had requested it. 
The Governor commanded all his people to enter the town, which was 
walled about, and near unto it passed a small river. The wall, as 
well of that as of others, which afterwards we saw, was of great posts 
thrust deep into the ground, and very rough; and many long rails, as 
big as one's arm, laid across between them, and the wall was about the 
height of a lance, and it was daubed within and without with clay, 
and had loopholes. On the other side of the river was a town, 
where at that present the cacique was. The Governor sent to call him^ 



154 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

and lie came presently. After he had passed with the Governor some 
words of offering his services, he gave him such men for his carriages 
as he needed, and thirty women for slaves. In that place was a 
Christian lost, calle,d Mangano, born in Salamanca, of noble parent- 
age, which went astray to seek for grapes, whereof there is great 
store, and those very good. The day that the Grovernor departed from 
thence, he lodged at a town, subject to the lord of VUibahali; and 
the next day he came to another town called Toast. The Indians 
gave the Grovernor thirty women, and such men for his carriages 
as he needed. He traveled ordinarily five or six leagues a day, when 
he traveled through peopled countries ; and going through deserts, he 
marched as fast as he could, to eschew the want of maize. From 
Toast, passing through some towns subject to a cacique, which was 
lord of a province called Tallise, he traveled five days. He came to 
Tallise the 18 th of September. The town was great, and situated 
near unto a main river. On the other side of the river were other 
towns, and many fields sown with maize. On both sides it was a very 
plentiful country, and had store of maize ; they had voided the town. 
The Grovernor commanded to call the cacique ; who came, and between 
them passed some words of love and offer of his services, and he pre- 
sented unto him forty Indians. There came to the Governor in this 
town, a principal Indian in the behalf of the cacique of Tascaluca, 
and made this speech following : — 

" Mighty, virtuous, and esteemed lord, the great cacique of Tasca- 
luca, my lord, sendeth by me to kiss your lordship's hands, and to let 
you understand that he hath notice how you justly ravish with your 
perfections and power, all men on the earth j and that every one by 
whom your lordship passeth, doth serve and obey you, which he ac- 
knowledgeth to be due unto you, and desireth, as his life, to see and 
to serve your lordship. For which cause by me he offereth himself, 
his lands and subjects, that when your lordship pleaseth to go through 
his country, you may be received with all peace and love, served and 
obeyed ; and that in recompense of the desire he hath to see you, you 
will do him the favor to let him know when you will come ; for how 
much the sooner, so much the greater favor he shall receive." 

The Governor received and dispatched him graciously, giving him 
beads, which among them were not much esteemed, and some other 
things to carry to his lord. And he gave license to the Cacique of 
Coga to return home to his own country. The Cacique of Tallise 
gave him such men for burdens as he needed. And after he had 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 155 

rested there twenty days, he departed thence towards Tascaluca. 
That day when he went from Tallise, he lodged at a great town called 
Casiste. And the nest day passed by another, and came to a small 
town of Tascaluca; and the next day he camped in a wood, two 
leagues from the town where the cacique resided, and was at that 
time. And he sent the master of the camp, Luys de lloscoso, with 
fifteen horsemen, to let him know he was coming. The cacique was 
in his lodgings under a canopy; and without doors, right against his 
lodgings, in a high place, they spread a mat for him, and two cushions 
one upon another, where he sat him down, and his Indians placed 
themselves round about him, somewhat distant from him, so that they 
made a place, and a void room where he sat ; and his chiefest men 
were nearest to him, and one with a shadow of deer skin, which kept 
the sun from him, being round and of the bigness of a target, quarter- 
ed with black and white, having a rundle in the midst ; afar off it 
seemed to be of taffeta, because the colors were very perfect. It was 
set on a small staff stretched wide out. This was the device which 
he carried in his wars. He was a man of a very tall stature, of 
great limbs, and spare, and well proportioned, and was much feared 
of his neighbors and subjects. He was lord of many territories and 
much people. In his countenance he was very grave. After the 
master of the camp had spoken with him, he and those that went 
with him coursed their horses, prancing them to and fro, and now and 
then towards the place where the cacique was, who, with much gravity 
and dissimulation now and then lifted up his eyes, and beheld them, as 
it were, with disdain. At the Governor's coming, he made no offer at 
all to rise. The Governor took him by the hand, and both of them 
sat down together on a seat which was under the cloth of state. The 
cacique said these words unto him : — 

" Mighty lord, I bid your lordship right heartily welcome. I re- 
ceive as much pleasure and contentment with your sight, as if you 
were my brother, whom I dearly loved ; upon this point it is not need- 
ful to use many reasons ; since it is no discretion to speak that in 
many words, which in few may be uttered. How much the greater 
the will is, so much more giveth it name to the works, and the 
works give testimony of the truth. Now touching my will, by it you 
shall know how certain and manifest it is, and how pure inclination 
I have to serve you. Concerning the favor which you did me, in the 
things which you sent me, I make as much account of them as is 
reason to esteem them, and chiefly because they were yours. Now 
see what service you will command me." 



156 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

The Grovernor satisfied him with sweet words and with great brevity. 
When he departed from thence he determined to carry him along 
with him for some cause, and at two days' journey he came to a 
town called Fiaclie, by which there passed a great river. The Governor 
demanded canoes of the Indians ; they said they had them not, but 
that they would make rafts of canes and dry timber, on which he 
might pass well enough. And they made them with all diligence 
and speed, and they governed them ; and because the water went very 
slow, the Governor and his people passed very well. 

From the Port de Spirito Santo to Apalache, which is about an 
hundred leagues, the Governor went from east to west ; and from 
Apalache to Cuiifachiqui, which are four hundred and thirty leagues 
from the south-west to the north-east; and from ChUi/acMqui to 
Xualla, which are about two hundred and fifty leagues from the south 
to the north ; and from Xualla to Tascaluca, which are two hundred 
and fifty leagues more, an hundred and ninety of them he traveled 
from east to west, to wit, to the province of Coca, and the other sixty 
from Coga to Tascaluca from the north to the south. 

Having passed the river of Piaclie, a Christian went from his com- 
pany from thence to seek a woman slave that was run away from him, 
and the Indians either took him captive, or slew him. The Governor 
urged the cacique that he should give account of him, and threatened 
him that if he were not found he would never let him loose. The 
cacique sent an Indian from thence to Mavilla, whither they were 
traveling, which was a town of a principal Indian and his subject, 
saying that he sent him to advise them to make ready victuals, and 
men for carriages. But (as afterwards appeared) he sent him to 
assemble all the men of war thither that he had in his country. 
The Governor traveled three days, and the third day he passed all 
day through a peopled country, and he came to Mavilla upon Monday 
the 18th of October, 1540. He went before the camp with fifteen 
horsemen and thirty footmen. And from the town came a Christian, 
whom he had sent to the principal man, three or four days before, 
because he should not absent himself, and also to learn in what sort 
the Indians were ; who told him that he thought they were in an evil 
purpose ; for while he was there, there came many people into the 
town, and many weapons, and that they made great haste to fortify 
the walls. Luys de Moscoso told the Governor that it would be good 
to lodge in the field, seeing the Indians were of such disposition; and 
be answered, that he would lodge in the town, for he was weary of 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 157 

lodging in the field. When he came near unto the town, the cacique 
came forth to receive him with many Indians playing upon flutes and 
singing. And after he had offered himself, he presented him with 
three mantles of marterns. The Grovernor, with both the caciques, 
and seven or eight men of his guard, and three or four horsemen, 
which alighted to accompany him, entered into the town, and sat him 
down under a cloth of state. The cacique of Tascaluca requested 
him that he would let him remain in that town, and trouble him no 
more with traveling. And seeing he would not give him leave, in 
his talk he changed his purpose, and dissemblingly feigned that he 
would speak with some principal Indians, and rose up from the place 
where he sat with the Governor, and entered into a house, where 
many Indians were with their bows and arrows. The Governor when 
he saw he returned not, called him, and he answered that he would 
not come out from thence, neither would he go any farther than that 
town, and that if he would go his way in peace, he should presently 
depart, and should not seek to carry him perforce out of his country 
and territory. 

The Governor seeing the determination and furious answer of the 
cacique, went about to pacify him with fair words ; to which he gave 
no answer, but rather with much pride and disdain, withdrew himself 
where the Governor might not see him nor speak with him. As a 
principal Indian passed that way, the Governor called him, to send 
him word that he might remain at his pleasure in his country, and 
that it would please him to give him a guide, and men for carriages, 
to see if he could pacify him with mild words. The Indians an- 
swered with great pride, that he would not hearken unto him. Bal- 
iasar de Gallegos, which stood by, took hold of a gown of marterns 
which he had on, and he cast it over his head, and left it in his 
hands : and because all of them immediately began to stir, Baltasar 
de Gallegos gave him such a wound with his cutlass, that he opened 
him down the back, and presently all the Indians with a great cry 
came out of the houses shooting their arrows. The Governor con- 
sidering that if he tarried there, he could not escape, and if he com- 
manded his men to come in, which were without the town, the In- 
dians within the houses might kill their horses, and do much hurt, 
ran out of the town, and before he came out, he fell twice or thrice, 
and those that were with him did help him up again ; and he and 
those that were with him were sore wounded ; and in a moment 
there were five Christians slain in the town. The Governor came 



158 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

running out of the town, crying out that every man should stand 
farther off, because from the wall they did them much hurt. The 
Indians seeing that the Christians retired, and some of them, or the 
most part, more than an ordinary pace, shot with great boldness at 
them, and struck down such as they could overtake. The Indians 
which the Christians did lead with them in chains, had laid down 
their burdens near unto the walls ; and as soon as the G-overnor and 
his men were retired, the men of Mavilla laid them on the Indians' 
backs again, and took them into the town, and loosed them presently 
from their chains, and gave them bows and arrows to fight withal. 
Thus they possessed themselves of all the clothes and pearls, and all 
that the Christians had, which their slaves carried. And because the 
Indians had been always peaceable until we came to this place, some 
of our men had their weapons in their fardels, and remained unarmed. 
And from others that had entered the town with the Grovernor they 
had taken swords and halberds, and fought with them. When the 
Grovernor was gotten into the field, he called for a horse, and with 
some that accompanied him, he returned and slew two or three In- 
dians. All the rest retired themselves to the town, and shot with their 
bows from the wall. And those which presumed of their nimbleness, 
sallied forth to fight a stone's cast from the wall. And when the 
Christians charged them, they retired themselves at their leisure into 
the town. At the time that the broil began, there were in the town a 
friar and a priest, and a servant of the Grovernor, with a woman slave ; 
and they had no time to come out of the town, and they took a 
house, and so remained in the town. The Indians being become 
masters of the place, they shut the door with a field gate ; and among 
them was one sword which the Governor's servant had, and with it 
he set himself behind the door, thrusting at the Indians which sought 
to come into them ; and the friar and the priest stood on the other 
side, each of them with a bar in their hands to beat him down that 
first came in. The Indians seeing they could not get in by the door, 
began to uncover the house top. By this time all the horsemen and 
footmen which were behind, were come to Mavilla. Here there were 
sundry opinions, whether they should charge the Indians to enter the 
town, or whether they should leave it, because it was hard to enter; 
and in the end it was resolved to set upon them. 

As soon as the battle and the rereward were come to Mavilla, the 
Governor commanded all those that were best armed to alight, and 
made four squadrons of footmen. The Indians, seeing bow he was 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 159 

setting bis men in order, concluded with the cacique, that he should 
go his way, saying unto him, as after it was known by certain women 
that were taken there, that he was but one man, and could fight but 
for one man, and that they had there among them many principal 
Indians, very valiant and expert in feats of arms, that any one of them 
was able to order the people there ; and forasmuch as matters of war 
were subject to casualty, and it was uncertain which part should over- 
come, they wished him to save himself, to the end, that if it fell out that 
they should end their days there, as they determined rather than to 
be overcome, there might remain one to govern the country. For all 
this he would not have gone away ; but they urged him so much, that 
with fifteen or twenty Indians of his own, he went out of the town, 
and carried away a scarlet cloak, and other things of the Christians' 
goods, as much as he was able to carry, and seemed best unto him. 
The Grovernor was informed how there went men out of the town, and 
he commanded the horsemen to beset it, and sent in every squadron 
of footmen one soldier with a firebrand to set fire on the houses, that 
the Indians might have no defence ; all his men being set in order, 
he commanded an arquebuss to be shot off. The sign being given, 
the four squadrons, every one by itself with great fury, gave the on- 
set, and with great hurt on both sides they entered the town. The 
friar and the priest, and those that were with them in the house were' 
saved, which cost the lives of two men of account, and valiant, which 
came thither to succor them. The Indians fought with such courage, 
that many times they drove our men out of the town. The fight 
lasted so long, that for weariness and great thirst many of the Christians 
went to a pool that was near the wall, to drink, which was all stained 
with the blood of the dead, and then came again to fight. The Go- 
vernor seeing this, entered among the footmen into the town on horse- 
back, with certain that accompanied them, and was a mean that the 
Christians came to set fire on the houses, and broke and overcame the 
Indians, who running out of the town from the footmen, the horse- 
men withoxit drove in at the gates again, where being without all 
hope of life, they fought valiantly, and after the Christians came 
among them to handy blows, seeing themselves in great distress, with- 
out any succor, many of them fled into the burning houses, where 
one upon another they were smothered and burnt in the fire. The 
whole number of the Indians that died in this town, were two thousand 
and five hundred, little more or less. Of the Christians there died 
eighteen j of which one was Don Carlos, brother-in-law to the Go- 



160 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

vernor, and a nepliew of his, and one John cle Gamez, and 3Ien Rod- 
riguez, Portuguese, and John Vasquez de Villanova de Barca Rota, 
all men of honor, and of much valor -, the rest were footmen. Be- 
sides those that were slain, there were a hundred and fifty wounded, 
with seven hundred wounds of their arrows : and it pleased God that 
of very dangerous wounds they were quickly healed. Moreover there 
were twelve horses slain, and seventy hurt. All the clothes which 
the Christians carried with them to clothe themselves withal, and the 
ornaments to say mass, and the pearls, were all burnt there ; and the 
Christians did set them on fire themselves ; because they held for a 
greater inconvenience, the hurt which the Indians might do them 
from those houses, where they had gathered all those goods together, 
than the loss of them. Here the Governor understood that Fran- 
cisco Maldonado waited for him at the Port of Ochuse, and that it 
was six days' journey from thence (^Mavilla), and he dealt with John 
Ortiz to keep it secret, because he had not accomplished that which 
he determined to do ; and because the pearls were burnt there, which 
he meant to have sent to Guha for a show, that the people hearing 
the news, might be desirous to come to that country. He feared also, 
that if they should have news of him without seeing from Florida 
neither gold nor silver, nor anything of value, it would get such a 
name, that no man would seek to go thither, when he should have 
need of people. And so he determined to send no news of himself 
until he had found some rich country. 

From the time that the Governor entered into Florida, until his de- 
parture from Mavilla, there died a hundred and two Christians, some 
of sickness, and others which the Indians slew. He stayed in Mavilla, 
because of the wounded men, eight-and-twenty days; all which time 
he lay in the field. It was a well inhabited and a fat country, there 
were some great and walled towns, and many houses scattered all 
about the fields, to wit, a crossbow shot or two, the one from the 
other. Upon Sunday, the eighteenth of November (1540), when 
the hurt men were known to be healed, the Governor departed from 
Mavilla. Every one furnished himself with maize for two days, and 
they traveled five days through a desert : they came to a province 
called Pafallaya, unto a town named Taliejjatava : and from thence 
they went to another, called Cabusio : near unto it ran a great river. 
The Indians on the other side cried out, threatening the Christians to 
kill them, if they sought to pass it. The Governor commanded his 
men to make a barge within the town, because the Indians should not 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 161 

perceive it : it was finished in four days, and being ended, lie com- 
manded it to be carried one niglit upon sleds half a league up the 
river. In the morning there entered into it thirteen men well armed. 
The Indians perceived what was attempted, and those which were 
nearest, came to defend the passage. They resisted what they could, 
till the Christians came near them ; and seeing that the barge came 
to the shore, they fled away into the groves of canes. The Christians 
mounted on horseback, and went up the river to make good the pas- 
sage, whereby the Grovernor and his company passed the river. There 
were along the river some towns well stored with maize and French 
beans. From thence to CMcaga the Governor traveled five days 
through a desert. He came to a river, where on the other side were 
Indians to defend the passage. He made another barge in two days; 
and when it was finished, the GrOvernor sent an Indian to request the 
cacique to accept of his friendship, and peaceably to expect his coming : 
whom the Indians that were on the other side the river slew before 
his face, and presently making a great shout went their way. Hav- 
ing passed the river, the next day, being the 17th of December, the 
Governor came to CMcaga, a small town of twenty houses. And 
after they were come to Chicaca, they were much troubled with cold, 
because it was now winter and it snowed, while most of them were 
lodged in the field, before they had time to make themselves houses. 
This country was very well peopled, and the houses scattered like 
those of Mavilla, fat and plentiful of maize, and the most part of it 
was fielding : they gathered as much as sufficed to pass the winter. 
Some Indians were taken, among which was one whom the cacique 
esteemed greatly. The Governor sent an Indian to signify to the 
cacique that he desired to see him and to have his friendship. The 
cacique came unto him, to offer him his person, country and subjects, 
and told him that he would cause two other caciques to come to him 
in peace; who within a few days after came with him and with their 
Indians. The one was called Alimamu, the other Nicalasa. They 
gave a present unto the Governor of a hundred and fifty coneys, and of 
the country garments, to wit, of mantles and skins. The Cacique of 
Chicaca came to visit him many times; and sometimes the Governor 
sent to call him, and sent him a horse to go and come. He com- 
plained unto him that a subject of his was risen against him and 
deprived him of his tribute, requesting his aid against him, for he 
meant to seek him in his country, and to punish him according to his 
desert. Which was nothing else but a feigned plot. For they de- 
12 



162 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

termined, as soon as tlie Governor was gone with him, and the camp 
was divided into two parts, the one part of them to set upon the Go- 
vernor and the other upon them that remained in CMcuQa. He 
went to the town where he used to keep his residence, and brought 
with him two hundred Indians with their bows and arrows. The 
Governor took thirty horsemen and eighty footmen, and they went 
to Saqxiechuma (for so was the province called of that chief man, 
which he said had rebelled). They found a walled town, without any 
men : and those which went with the cacique set fire on the houses, 
to dissemble their treason. But by reason of the great care and 
heedfulness, that was as well in the Governor's people which he car- 
ried with him, as of those which remained in CMcaga, they dare not 
assault them at that time. The Governor invited the cacique, and 
certain principal Indians, and gave them hog's flesh to eat. And 
though they did not commonly use it, yet they were so greedy of it, 
that every night there came Indians to certain houses a crossbow shot 
from the camp, where the hogs lay, and killed, and carried away as 
many as they could. And three Indians were taken in the manner. 
Two of them the Governor commanded to be shot to death with 
arrows; and to cut off the hands of the other; and he sent him so 
handled to the cacique. Who made as though it grieved him; yet 
they had offended the Governor, and that he was glad that he had 
executed that punishment on them. He lay in a plain country, half 
a league from the place where the Christians lodged. Four horsemen 
went a straggling thither, to wit, Francisco Osorio, and a servant of 
the Marquis of Astorga, called Reynoso, and two servants of the Go- 
vernor, the one his page, called Rihera, and the other Fuentes, his 
chamberlain : and these had taken from the Indians some skins, and 
some mantles, wherewith they were offended, and forsook their houses. 
The Governor knew of it, and commanded them to be apprehended; 
and condemned to death Francisco Osorio, and the chamberlain as 
principals, and all of them to loss of goods. The friars and priests 
and other principal persons were earnest with him to pardon Francisco 
Osorio his life, and to moderate his sentence, which he would not 
grant for any of them. While he was ready to command them to 
be drawn to the market-place to cut off their heads, there came cer- 
tain Indians from the cacique to complain of them. John Ortiz, at 
the request of Baltasar de Gallcgos and other persons, changed their 
words, and told the Governor, that the cacique said, he had notice how 
his lordship held those Christians in prison for his sake, and that they 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 163 

were in no fault, neither had they done him any wrong, and that if 
he would do him any favor, he should set them free. And he told 
the Indians, that the Grovernor said he had them in prison, and that 
he would punish them in such sort, that they should be an example 
to others. Hereupon the Governor commanded lite prisoners to be 
loosed. As soon as March was come, he determined to depart from 
GMcagaj and demanded of the cacique two hundred men for carriages. 
He sent him answer that he would speak with his principal men. 
Upon Tuesday, the eighth of March, 1541, the Governor went to the 
town where he was, to ask him for the men : he told him he would 
send them the next day. As soon as the Governor was come to 
GMcaca, he told Luys de Moscoso, the camp-master, that he misliked 
the Indians, and that he should keep a strong watch that night, which 
he remembered but a little. The Indians came at the second watch 
in four squadrons, every one by itself, and as soon as they were des- 
cried, they sounded a drum, and gave the assault with a great cry, 
and with so great celerity, that presently they entered with the scouts, 
that were somewhat distant from the camp. And when they were 
perceived of them which were in the town, half the houses were on 
fire, which they had kindled. That night three horsemen chanced to 
be scouts ; two of them were of base calling, and the worst men in all 
the camp, and the other, which was a nephew of the Governor, which 
until then was held for a tall man, showed himself there as great a 
coward as any of them : for all of them ran away. And the Indians 
without any resistance came and set the town on fire; and tarried 
without behind the doors for the Christians, which ran out of the 
houses, not having any leisure to arm themselves; and as they ran 
hither and thither amazed with the noise, and blinded with the smoke 
and flame of the fire, they knew not which way they went, neither 
could they light upon their weapons, nor saddle their horses, neither 
saw they the Indians that shot at them. Many of the horses were 
burned in the stables, and those which could break their halters got 
loose. The disorder and flight was such that every man fled which 
way he could, without leaving any to resist the Indians. But God 
(which chastiseth his according to his pleasure, and in the greatest 
necessities and dangers sustaineth them with his hand) so blinded 
the Indians, that they saw not what they had done, and thought that 
the horses which ran loose, were men on horseback, that gathered 
themselves together to set upon them. The Governor only rode on 
horseback, and with him a soldier called Tajpia, and set upon the 



164 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Indians, and striking the first he met with his lance, the saddle fell 
with him, which with haste was evil girded, and so he fell from his 
horse. And all the people that were on foot were fled to a wood out 
of the town, and there assembled themselves together. And because 
it was night, and that the Indians thought the horses were men on 
horseback which came to set upon them, as I said before, they fled ; 
and one only remained dead, and that was he whom the Governor 
slew with his lance. The town lay all burnt to ashes. There was a 
woman burned, who, after she and her husband were both gone out 
of their house, went in again for certain pearls which they had forgot- 
ten, and when she would have come out, the fire was so great at the 
door that she could not, neither could her husband succor her. Other 
three Christians came out of their lodgings so cruelly burned, that one 
of them died within three days, and the other two were carried many 
days each of them upon a couch between staves, which the Indians 
carried on their shoulders, for otherwise they could not travel. There 
died in this hurlyburly eleven Christians, and fifty horses ; and there 
remained a hundred hogs, and four hundred were burned. If any 
perchance had saved any clothes from the fire of llavilla, here they 
were burned, and many were clad in skins, for they had no leisure to 
take their coats. They endured much cold in this place, and the 
chiefest remedy were great fires. They spent all night in turnings 
without sleep : for if they warmed one side, they freezed on the other. 
Some invented the weaving of certain mats of dry ivy, and did wear 
one beneath, and another above : many laughed at this device, whom 
afterward necessity enforced to do the like. The Christians were so 
spoiled, and in such want of saddles and weapons which were burned, 
that if the Indians had come the second night, they had overcome 
them with little labor. They removed thence to the town where the 
cacique was wont to lie, because it was in a champaign country. With- 
in eight days after, there were many lances and saddles made. There 
were ash-trees in those parts, whereof they made as good lances as in 
Biscay. 

Upon Wednesday, the 15th of March, 1541, after the Governor 
had lodged eight days in a plain, half a league from the place which 
he had wintered in, after he had set up a forge, and tempered the 
swords which in Gliicaga were burned, and made many targets, 
saddles, and lances ; on Tuesday night, at the morning watch, many 
Indians came to assault the camp in three squadrons, every one by 
themselves. Those which watched ";ave the alarm. The Governor 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 165 

with great speed set his men in order in other three squadrons, and 
leaving some to defend the camp, went out to encounter them. The 
Indians were overcome and put to flight. The ground was cham- 
paign and fit for the Christians to take the advantage of them ; and it 
was now break of day. But there happened a disorder, whereby there 
were not past thirty or forty Indians slain : and this it was : that a 
friar cried out in the camp without any just occasion, "To the camp, 
to the camp." Whereupon the Governor and all the rest repaired 
thither, and the Indians had time to save themselves. There were 
some taken, by whom the Grovernor informed himself of the country 
through which he was to pass. The 25th of April, he departed from 
Chicaga, and lodged at a small town called Alimamu. They had 
very little maize, and they were to pass a desert of seven days' journey. 
The next day, the Grovernor sent three captains, every one his way, 
with horsemen and footmen to seek provisions to pass the desert. 
And John Dannusco the Auditor went with fifteen horsemen and 
forty footmen that way that the Grovernor was to go, and found a 
strong fort made, where the Indians stayed for him, and many of them 
walked on the top of it with their weapons, having their bodies, thighs, 
and arms ochred and dyed with black, white, yellow and red, striped 
like unto panes, so that they showed as though they went in hose and 
doublets : and some of them had plumes, and others had horns on 
their heads, and their faces black, and their eyes done round about 
with steaks of red, to seem more fierce. As soon as they saw that 
the Christians approached, with a great cry sounding two drums with 
great fury they sallied forth to receive them. John Dannusco and 
those that were with him thought good to avoid them, and to acquaint 
the Grovernor therewith. They retired to a plain place, a crossbow- 
shot from the fort, in sight of it: the footmen, the crossbow-men, and 
targeters placed themselves before the horsemen, that they might not 
hurt the horses. The Indians sallied out by seven and seven, and 
eight and eight, to shoot their arrows, and retired again : and in sight 
of the Christians they made a fire, and took an Indian, some by the 
feet, and some by the head, and made as though they went to cast 
him into the fire, and gave him first many knocks on the head : signi- 
fying that they meant so to handle the Christians. John Dannusco 
sent three horsemen to advertise the Governor hereof. He came pre- 
sently : for his intent was to drive them from thence, saying, that if 
he did it not, they would be emboldened to charge him another time, 
when they might do him more harm. He made the horsemen to 



166 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

alight, and set his men in four squadrons. The sign being given, they 
set upon the Indians, which made resistance till the Christians came 
near the fort, and as soon as they saw they could not defend them- 
selves, by a place where a brook passed near the fort, they ran away, 
and from the other side they shot some arrows ; and because at that 
instant we knew no ford for the horses to pass, they had time enough 
to get out of our danger. Three Indians were slain there, and many 
Christians were hurt, whereof within few days, there died fifteen by 
the way. All men thought the Governor to be in fault, because he 
sent not to see the disposition of the place on the other side of the 
river, and to know the passage before he set upon them. For with 
the hope they had to save themselves by flight that way, when they 
saw none other means, they fought till they were broken, and it was 
an encouragement to defend themselves until then, and to ofiend the 
Christians without any danger to themselves. 

Three days after they had sought some maize, whereof they found 
but little store, in regard of that which was needful, and that for this 
cause, as well for their sakes that were wounded, it was needful for 
them to rest, as for the great journey they were to march to come 
where store of maize was : yet the Grovernor was enforced to depart 
presently toward Quizquiz. He traveled seven days through a desert 
of many marshes and thick woods : but it might all be traveled on 
horseback, except some lakes which they swam over. He came to a town 
of the province of Quizgidz without being descried, and took all the 
people in it before they came out of their houses. The mother of the 
cacique was taken there : and he sent unto him by an Indian, that 
he should come to see him, and that he would give him his mother, 
and all the people which he had taken there. The cacique sent him 
answer again, that his lordship should loose and send them to him, 
and that he would come to visit and serve him. The G-overnor, 
because his people for want of maize were somewhat weak and weary, 
and the horses also were lean, determined to accomplish his request, 
to see if he could have peace with him, and so commanded to set free 
his mother and all the rest, and with loving words dismissed them and 
sent them to him. The next day, when the Governor expected the 
cacique, there came many Indians with their bows and arrows with a 
purpose to set upon the Christians. The Governor had commanded 
all the horsemen to be armed, and on horseback, and in readiness. 
When the Indians saw that they were ready, they stayed a crossbow- 
shot from the place where the Governor was, near a brook. And after 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 167 

half an hour that they had stood there still, there came to the camp 
six principal Indians, and said, " they came to see what people they 
were, and that long ago, they had been informed by their forefathers 
that a white people should subdue them; and that therefore they 
would return to their cacique, and bid him come presently to obey 
and serve the Grovernor :" and after they had presented him with six 
or seven skins and mantles which they brought, they took their 
leave of him, and returned with the others, which waited for them by 
the brook side. The cacique never came again nor sent other mes- 
sage. And because in the town where the Governor lodged, there 
was small store of maize, he removed to another half a league from 
Rio Grande^ where they found plenty of maize. And he went to see 
the river, and found, that near unto it was great store of timber to 
make barges, and good situation of ground to encamp in. Presently 
he removed himself thither. They made houses, and pitched their 
camp in a plain field a crossbow-shot from the river. And thither 
was gathered all the maize of the towns which they had lately passed. 
They began presently to cut and hew down timber, and to saw planks 
for barges. The Indians came presently down the river : they 
leaped on shore, and declared to the G-overnor, "that they were sub- 
jects of a great lord, whose name was Aquixo^ who was lord of many 
towns, and governed many people on the other side of the^river, and 
came to tell him on his behalf, that the next day he with all his men 
would come to see what it would please him to command him. The 
next day, with speed, the cacique came with two hundred canoes full 
of Indians with their bows and arrows, painted, and with great plumes 
of white feathers, and many other colors, with shields in their hands, 
wherewith they defended the rowers on both sides, and the men of 
war stood from the head to the stern, with their bows and arrows in 
their hands. The canoe wherein the cacique was, had a tilt over the 
stern, and he sat under the tilt; and so were other canoes of the 
principal Indians. And from under the tilt where the chief man sat, 
he governed and commanded the other people. All joined together, 
and came within a stone's cast of the shore. From thence the cacique 
said to the G-overnor, which walked along the river's side with others 
that waited on him, that he was come thither to visit, to honor, and 
to obey him; because he knew, he was the greatest and mightiest 
lord on the earth : therefore he would see what he would command 
him to do. The Governor yielded him thanks, and requested Mm to 

• Rio Grande, or Rio de Espiritu Santo. 



168 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

come on sliore, that tliey might the better communicate together. 
And without any answer to that point, he sent him three canoes, 
wherein was great store of fish and loaves, made of the substance of 
prunes like unto bricks. After he had received all, he thanked him, 
and prayed him again to come on shore. And because the cacique's 
purpose was, to see if with dissimulation he might do some hurt, 
when they saw that the Grovernor and his men were in readiness, they 
began to go from the shore : and with a great cry, the crossbow-men 
which were ready, shot at them, and slew five or six of them. They 
retired with great order : none did leave his oar, though the next to 
him were slain, and shielding themselves, they went farther oflF. 
Afterward they came many times and landed : and when any of us 
came toward them, they fled into their canoes, which were very 
pleasant to behold : for they were very great and well made, and had 
their tilts, plumes, paueses, and flags, and with the multitude of people 
that were in them, they seemed to be a fair army of galleys. In 
thirty days' space, while the Grovernor remained there, they made four 
barges : in three of which he commanded twelve horsemen to enter, 
in each of them four. In a morning, three hours before day, men 
which he trusted would land in despite of the Indians, and make 
sure the passage, or die, and some footmen, being crossbow-men, went 
with them', and rowers to set them on the other side. And in the 
other barge he commanded John de Guzman to pass with the foot- 
men, which was made captain instead of Francisco 31aldonado. And 
because the stream was swift, they went a quarter of a league up the 
river along the bank, and crossing over, fell down with the stream, 
and landed right over against the camp. Two stones' cast before they 
came to land, the horsemen went out of the barges on horseback to a 
sandy plot very hard and clear ground, where all of them landed 
without any resistance. As soon as those that passed first were on 
land on the other side, the barges returned to the place where the 
Governor was : and within two hours after sun rising, all the people 
were over. The river was almost half a league broad. If a man 
stood still on the other side, it could not be discerned whether he was 
a man or no. The river was of great depth, and of a strong current : 
the water was always muddy : there came down the river continually 
many trees and timber, which the force of the water and stream 
brought down. There was great store of fish in it of sundry sorts, 
and the most of it differing from the fresh water fish of Spain, as 
hereafter shall be showed. 



^EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 169 

Having passed Rio Grande, the Grovernor traveled a league and 
a half, and came to a great town of Aquixo, which was dispeopled 
before he came thither. They espied thirty Indians coming over a plain , 
which the cacique sent to discover the Christians' determination ; and 
as soon as they had sight of them, they took themselves to flight. The 
horsemen pursued them, and slew ten, and took fifteen. And because 
the town, whither the Governor went, was near unto the river, he sent 
a captain, with as many men as he thought sufficient, to carry the 
barges up the river. And because in his traveling by land many times 
he went far from the river to compass the creeks that came from it, 
the Indians took occasion to set upon them of the barges, and put them 
in great danger, because that by reason of the great current, they durst 
not leave the shore, and from the bank they shot at them. As soon 
as the Governor was come to the town, he presently sent crossbow- 
men down the river, which came to rescue them ; and upon the coming 
of the barges to the town, he commanded them to be broken, and to 
save the iron for others, when it should be needful. He lay there 
one night, and the day following he set forward to seek a province, 
called Pacdha, which he was informed to be near unto Ohisca, where 
the Indians told him there was gold. He passed through great towns 
of Aquixo, which were all abandoned for fear of the Christians. He 
understood by certain Indians that were taken that three days' journey 
from thence dwelt a great cacique, whose name was Casqui. ' He 
came to a small river, where a bridge was made, by which they passed; 
that day till sunset, they went all in water, which in some places came 
to the waist, and in some to the knees. When they saw themselves 
on dry land, they were very glad, because they feared they should 
wander up and down as forlorn men all night in the water. At noon 
they came to the first town of Casqui: they found the Indians careless,- 
because they had no knowledge of them. . There were many men and 
women taken, and store of goods, as mantles and skins, as well in the 
first town, as in another, which stood in a field half a league from 
thence in sight of it; whither the horsemen ran. This country is 
higher, drier, and more champaign, than any part bordering near the 
river that until then they had seen. There were in the fields many 
walnut trees, bearing soft-shelled walnuts in the fashion like bullets, 
and in the houses they found many of them, which the Indians had 
laid up in store. The trees differed in nothing else from those of 
Spain, nor from those which we had seen before, but only that they 
have a smaller leaf. There were many mulberry trees and plum trees, 



170 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

which bare red plums like those of SjJain, and others gray, somewhat 
diflFering, but far better. And all the trees are all the year so fruitful, 
as if they were planted in orchards ; and the woods were very thin. 
The Governor traveled two days through the country of Casqui, before 
he came to the town where the cacique was ; and the most of the way 
was alway by champaign ground, which was full of great towns, so that 
from one town, you might see two or three. He sent an Indian to 
certify the cacique that he was coming to the place where he was, 
with intent to procure his friendship, and to hold him as his brother. 
Whereunto he answered, that he should be welcome, and that he 
would receive him with special good-will, and accomplish all that his 
lordship would command him. He sent him a present upon the way ; 
to wit, skins, mantles, and fish : and after these compliments, the 
Governor found all the towns, as he passed, inhabited with people, 
which peaceably attended his coming, and offered him skins, mantles, 
and fish. The cacique, accompanied with many Indians, came out of 
the town, and stayed half a league on the way to receive the Governor, 
and when he came to him, he spake these words following : — 

" Right high, right mighty, and renowned lord, your lordship is 
most heartily welcome. As soon as I had notice of your lordship, of 
your power, and your perfections, although you came into my country 
killing and taking captives the inhabitants thereof and my subjects, 
yet I determined to conform my will unto yours, and as your own to 
interpret in good part all that your lordship did : believing that it 
was convenient it should be so for some just respect, to prevent some 
future matter revealed unto your lordship, and concealed from me. 
For well may a mischief be permitted to avoid a greater, and that good 
may come thereof : which I believe will so fall out. For it is no 
reason to presume of so excellent a prince, that the nobleness of his 
heart, and the effect of his will would permit him to suffer any unjust 
thing. My ability is so small to serve you as your lordship deserveth, 
that if you respect not mine abundant good-will, which humbly offereth 
all kind of service, I deserve but little in your presence. But if it 
be reason that this be esteemed, receive the same, myself, my coun- 
try, and subjects for yours, and dispose of me and them at your 
pleasure. For if I were lord of all the world, with the same good-will 
should your lordship by me be received, served and obeyed." 

The Governor answered him to the purpose, and satisfied him in 
few words. Within a while after both of them used words of great 
offers and courtesy the one to the other, and the cacique requested 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 171 

him to lodge in his houses. The Governor, to preserve the peace the 
better, excused himself, saying that he would lodge in the fields. And 
because it was very hot, they camped near certain trees a quarter of a 
league from the town. The cacique went to his town, and came again 
with many Indians singing. As soon as they came to the Governor, 
all of them prostrated themselves upon the ground. Among these 
came two Indians that were blind. The cacique made a speech : to 
avoid tediousness, I will only tell in a few words the substance of the 
matter. He said, that seeing the Governor was the son of the Sun, 
and a great lord, he besought him to do him the favor to give sight to 
those two blind men. The blind men rose up presently, and very 
earnestly requested the same of the Governor. He answered, that in 
the high heavens was he that had power to give them health, and 
whatsoever they could ask of him ; whose servant he was : and that 
this Lord made the heavens and the earth, and man after his own like- 
ness, and that he suffered upon the cross to save mankind, and rose 
again the third day, and that he died as he was man, and as touching 
his divinity, he was, and is immortal; and that he ascended into 
heaven, where he standeth with his arms open to receive all such as 
turn unto him : and straightway he commanded him to make a very 
high cross of wood, which was set up in the highest place of the town; 
declaring unto him, that the Christians worshiped the same in resem- 
blance and memory of that whereon Christ suffered. The Governor 
and his men kneeled down before it, and the Indians did the like. 
The Governor willed him, that from thenceforth he would worship the 
same, and should ask whatsoever they stood in need of, of that Lord 
that he told him was in heaven. Then he asked him how far it was 
from thence to Pacaha. He said, one day's journey, and that at the 
end of his country, there was a lake like a brook which falleth into 
Rio Grande, and that he would send men before to make a bridge 
whereby he might pass. The same day that the Governor departed 
thence, he lodged at a town belonging to Casqui ; and the next day 
he passed in sight of other towns, and came to the lake, which was 
half a crossbow shot over, of a great depth and current. At the time 
of his coming, the Indians had made an end of the bridge, which was 
made of timber, laid one tree after another : and on one side it had a 
course of stakes higher than the bridge, for them that passed to take 
hold on. The Cacique of Casqui came to the Governor, asd brought 
his people with him. The Governor sent word by an Indian to the 
Cacique of Pacaha, that though he were enemy to the Cacique of 



172 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

Casqui, and though lie were there, yet he would do him no disgrace 
nor hurt, if he would attend him peaceably, and embrace his friend- 
ship ; but rather would intreat him as a brother. The Indian, which 
the Governor sent, came again, and said that the cacique made no 
account of that which he told him, but fled with all his men out at the 
other side of the town. Presently the Governor entered, and ran 
before with the horsemen, that way by which the Indians fled ; and 
at another town, distant a quarter of a league from thence, they took 
many Indians ; and as soon as the horsemen had taken them, they 
delivered them to the Indians of Casqui, whom, because they were 
their enemies, with much circumspection and rejoicing, they brought 
to the town where the Christians were : and the greatest grief they had 
was this, that they could not get leave to kill them. There were 
found in the town many mantles, and deer skins, lion skins, and bear 
skins, and many cat skins. Many came so far poorly appareled, and 
there they clothed themselves : of the mantles, they made them coats 
and cassocks, and some made gowns, and lined them with cat skins ; 
and likewise their cassocks. Of the deer skins, some made them also 
jerkins, shirts, hose and shoes : and of the bear skins, they made them 
very good cloaks : for no water could pierce them. There were targets 
of raw ox hides found there; with which hides they armed their horses. 
Upon Wednesday, the 19th of June, 1541, the Governor entered 
into Pacaha. He lodged in the town, where the cacique used to re- 
side, which was very great, walled, and beset with towers, and many 
loopholes were in the towers and wall. And in the town was great 
store of old maize, and great quantity of new in the fields. "Within 
a league and half a league were great towns all walled. Where the 
Governor was lodged was a great lake, that came near unto the wall; 
and it entered into a ditch, that went round about the town, wanting 
but a little to environ it around. From the lake to the great river 
was made a wear by which the fish came into it ; which the cacique 
kept for his recreation and sport. With nets that were found in the 
town, they took as much as they would; and took they never so 
much, there was no want perceived. There was also great store of 
fish in many other lakes that were thereabout, but it was soft, and not 
so good as that which came from the river, and the most of it was 
different from the fresh-water fish of Spain. There was a fish which 
ihey called bagres; the third part of it was head, and it had on both 
sides the gills, and along the sides great pricks like very sharp awls. 
Those of the kind that were in the lakes were as big as pikes; and in 



EXPEDITION or HERNANDO DE SOTO. 173 

tlie river there were some of an hundred, and of an hundred and fifty 
pounds weight, and many of them were taken with the hook. There 
was another fish like harbilles, and another like breams, headed like 
a delicate fish, called in Spain besugo, between red and gray. This 
was there of most esteem. There was another fish called peel fish ; 
it had a snout of a cubit long, and at the end of the upper lip it was 
made like a peel. There was another fish called a western shad ; and 
all of them had scales, except the bagres, and the peel fish. There was 
another fish which sometimes the Indians brought us, of the bigness 
of a hog ; they called it the pereo fish ; it had rows of teeth be- 
neath and above. The Cacique of Casqui sent many times great 
presents of fish, mantles, and skins. He told the Grovernor that he 
would deliver the Cacique of Pacaha into his hands. He went to 
Casqui, and sent many canoes up the river, and came himself by land 
with many of his people. The Grovernor, with forty horsemen and 
sixty footmen, took him along with him up the river. And his In- 
dians which were in the canoes, discovered where the Cacique of 
Pacaha was, in a little island, situated between two arms of the 
river. And five Christians entered into a canoe, wherein Don Anto- 
nio Osorio went before, to see what people the cacique had with him. 
There were in the isle five or six thousand souls. And as soon as 
they saw them, supposing that the Indians which were in the other 
canoes were also Christians, the cacique, and certain which were in 
three canoes, which they had there with them, fled in great haste to 
the other side of the river. The rest, with great fear and danger, 
leapt into the river, where many people were drowned, especially wo- 
men and little children. Presently the Grovernor, who was on land, 
not knowing what had happened to Do7i Antonio and those that 
went with him, commanded the Christians with all speed to enter 
with the Indians of Oasqui in the canoes, which were quickly with 
Don Antonio in the little island, where they took many men and 
women, and much goods. Great store of goods, which the Indians 
had laid upon hurdles of canes and rafts of timber to carry over to 
the other side, drove down the river, wherewith the Indians of Casqui 
filled their canoes; and for fear lest the Christians would take it from 
them, the cacique went home with them down the river, without 
taking his leave of the Grovernor ; whereupon the Grovernor was highly 
oJIended with him, and presently returning to Pacalia, he overran 
the country of Casqui the space of two leagues, where he took twenty or 
thirty of his men. And because his horses were weary, and he wanted 



174 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

time that day to go any farther, he returned to Pacaha, with determi- 
nation within three or four days after to invade Casqui. And pre- 
sently he let loose one of the Indians of Pacaha, and sent word by 
him to the cacique, that if he would have his friendship, he should 
repair unto him, and that both of them would make war upon Casqui. 
And presently came many Indians that belonged to Pacalia, and 
brought an Indian instead of the cacique, which was discovered by 
the cacique's brother, which was taken prisoner. The Governor 
wished the Indians that their master himself should come ; for he 
knew very well that that was not he, and told them that they could 
do nothing which he knew not before they thought it. The next day 
the cacique came, accompanied with many Indians, and with a pre- 
sent of much fish, skins and mantles. He made a speech that all 
were glad to hear, and concluded saying, that though his lordship, 
without his giving occasion of offence had done him hurt in his 
country and subjects, yet he would not therefore refuse to be his, and 
that he would always be at his command. The Governor commanded 
his brother to be loosed, and other principal Indians that were taken 
prisoners. That day came an Indian from the Cacique of Casqui, 
and said that his lord would come the next day to excuse himself 
of the error which he had committed, in going away without license 
of the Governor. The Governor willed the messenger to signify unto 
him, that if he came not in his own person, he would seek him him- 
self, and give him such punishment as he deserved. The next day 
with all speed came the Cacique of Casqui, and brought a present to 
the Governor of many mantles, skins, and fish, and gave him a 
daughter of his, saying that he greatly desired to match his blood 
with the blood of so great a lord as he was, and therefore he 
brought him his daughter, and desired him to take her to his 
wife. He made a long and discreet oration, giving him great 
commendations, and concluded, saying, that he should pardon his 
going away without license, for that cross's sake which he had left 
with him; protesting that he went away for shame of that which his 
men had done without his consent. The Governor answered him 
that he had chosen a good patron; and that if he had not come to 
excuse himself, he had determined to seek him, to burn his towns, to 
kill him and his people, and to destroy his country. To which he re- 
plied, saying: 

" My lord, I and mine are yours, and my country likewise is 
yours ; therefore if you had done so, you should have destroyed 



EXPEDITION or HERNANDO DE SOTO. 175 

your own country, and have killed your own people ; whatsoever shall 
come unto me from your hand, I will receive as from my lord, as well 
punishment as reward ; and know you, that the favor which you did 
me in leaving me the cross, I do acknowledge the same to be a very 
great one, and greater than I have ever deserved. For you shall un- 
derstand, that with great droughts the fields of maize of my country 
were withered; and as soon as I and my people kneeled before the 
cross, and prayed for rain, presently our necessities were relieved." 

The G-overnor made him and the Cacique of Pacalia friends ; and 
set them with him at his table to dine with him ; and the caciques fell 
at variance about the seats, which of them should sit on his right hand. 
The Governor pacified them; telling them that among the Christians 
all was one to sit on the one side, or on the other, willing them so to 
behave themselves, seeing they were with him, that nobody might 
hear them, and that every one should sit in the place that first he 
lighted on. From thence he sent thirty horsemen and fifty footmen 
to the province of Caluca, to see if from thence he might travel to 
Chisca, where the Indians said there was a work of gold and copper. 
They traveled seven days' journey, through a desert, and returned 
very weary, eating green plums, and stalks of maize, which they 
found in a poor town of sis or seven houses. From thenceforward 
towards the north, the Indians said that the country was very ill in- 
habited, because it was very cold; and that there was such store of 
osen, that they could keep no corn for them ; and that the Indians 
lived upon their flesh. The G-overnor, seeing that toward that part 
the country was so poor of maize that in it they could not be sus- 
tained, demanded of the Indians which way it was most inhabited ; 
and they said, they had notice of a great province, and a very plenti- 
ful country, which was called Quigaute, and that it was toward the 
south. 

The Governor rested in Pacaha forty days ; in all which time the 
two caciques served him with great store of fish, mantles, and skins, 
and strove who should do him greatest service. At the time of his 
departure the Cacique of Pacaha gave him two of his sisters, saying 
that in sign of love that he might remember him, he should take 
them for his wives : the one's name was Macanoche, and the other's 
Mochila : they were well proportioned, tall of body, and well fleshed. 
Macanoche was of a good countenance, and in her shape and physiog- 
nomy looked like a lady ; the other was strongly made. The Ca- 
cique of Casqui commanded the bridge to be repaired, and the Go- 



176 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS QF LOUISIANA. 

vernor returned tlirougli his country, and lodged in the field near his 
town, whither he came with great store of fish, and two women, which 
he exchanged with two Christians for two shirts. He gave us a 
guide and men for carriages. The Governor lodged at a town of his, 
and the nest day at another near a river, whither he caused canoes 
to be brought for him to pass over, and with his leave returned. The 
Governor took his journey toward Quigaute. The fourth day of 
August he came to the town, where the cacique used to keep his re- 
sidence : on the way he sent him a present of many mantles and 
skins, and not daring to stay for him in the town, he absented him- 
self. The town was the greatest that was seen in Florida. The 
Governor and his people lodged in the one-half of it ; and within 
few days, seeing the Indians became liars, he commanded the other 
half to be burned, because it should not be a shelter for them, if 
they came to assault him by night, nor a hinderance to his horse- 
men for the resisting of them. There came an Indian very well ac- 
companied with many Indians, saying that he was the cacique. He 
delivered him over to the men of his guard to look unto him. There 
went and came many Indians, and brought mantles and skins. The 
counterfeit cacique, seeing so little opportunity to execute his evil 
thought, as he went one day abroad talking with the Governor, he 
showed him such a pair of heels, that there was no Christian that 
could overtake him, and he leaped into the river, which was a cross- 
bow shot from the town : and as soon as he was on the other side, 
many Indians that were thereabout making a great cry began to shoot. 
The Governor passed presently over to them with horsemen and foot- 
men, but they durst not tarry for him. Going forward on his way, 
he came to a town where the people were fled, and a little further to 
a lake, where the horses could net pass, and on the other side were 
many women. The footmen passed, and took many of them, and 
much spoil. The Governor came to the camp, and that night was a 
spy of the Indians taken by them of the watch. The Governor asked 
him, whether he would bring him where the cacique was ? he said 
he would. And he went presently to seek him, with twenty horse- 
men and fifty footmen ; and after he had sought him a day and a 
half, he found him in a strong wood : and a soldier, not knowing him, 
gave him a wound on the head ; and he cried out, that he should not 
kill him, saying that he was the cacique; so he was taken, and a 
hundred and forty of his men with him. The Governor came again 
to Quigaute, and willed him to cause his men to come to serve the 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 177 

Christians ; and staying some days for their coming, and seeing 
they came not, he sent two captains, every one his way on both 
sides of the river with horsemen and footmen. They took many men 
and women. Now seeing the hurt which they sustained for their 
rebellion, they came to see what the Governor would command them, 
and passed to and fro many times, and brought presents of cloth and 
fish. The cacique and his two wives were in the lodging of the Go- 
vernor loose, and the halberdiers of his guard did keep them. The 
Governor asked them which way the country was most inhabited ? 
They said, that toward the south down the river, were great towns 
and caciques, which commanded great countries, and much people. 
And that toward the north-west, there was a province near to certain 
mountains, that was called CoKgoa. The Governor and all the rest 
thought good to go first to Coligoa : saying, that peradventure the 
mountains would make some difierence of soil, and that beyond them 
there might be some gold or silver. As for Quigaute, Casqiti, and 
Pacaha, they were plain countries, fat grounds, and full of good 
meadows on the rivers, where the Indians sowed large fields of maize. 
From Tascaluca to Rio Grande^ or the Great River, is about three 
hundred leagues : it is a very low country, and hath many lakes. 
From Pacalm to Quigaute may be an hundred leagues. The Go- 
vernor left the Cacique of Qidgaxite in his own town. And an In- 
dian, which was his guide, led him through great woods without any 
way, seven days' journey through a desert, where, at every lodging, 
they lodged in lakes and pools in very shoal water ; there was such 
store of fish, that they killed them with cudgels ; and the Indians 
which they carried in chains, with the mud troubled the waters, and 
the fish being therewith, as it were, astonished, came to the top of the 
water, and they took as much as they listed. The Indians of Coligoa 
had no knowledge of the Christians, and when they came so near the 
town that the Indians saw them, they fled up a river which passed 
near the town, and some leaped into it ; but the Christians went on 
both sides of the river, and took them. There were many men and 
women taken, and the cacique with them. And by his commandment 
within three days came many Indians with a present of mantles and 
deers' skins, and two ox hides : and they reported, that five or six 
leagues from thence toward the north, there were many of these oxen, 
and that because the country was cold, it was evil inhabited ; that 
the best country which they knew, the most plentiful, and most in- 
habited, was a province called Coyas, lying toward the south. From 
13 



178 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Quigaute to Coliyoa may be forty leagues. This town of Coligoa 
stood at the foot of a hill, on the bank of a mean river, of the big- 
ness of Cayas, the river that passeth by Estremadura. It was a fat 
soil and so plentiful of maize, that they cast out the old, to bring in 
the new. There was also great plenty of French beans and pompiona. 
The French beans were greater, and better than those of Spain, and 
likewise the pompions, and being roasted, they have almost the 
taste of chestnuts. The Cacique of Coligoa gave a guide to Cayas, 
and stayed behind in his own town. We traveled five days, and 
came to the province of Palisema. The house of the cacique was 
found covered with deers' skins, of divers colors and works drawn in 
them, and with the same in manner of carpets was the ground of the 
house covered. The cacique left it so, that the Governor might lodge in 
it, in token that he sought peace and his friendship. But he durst not 
tarry his coming. The Governor, seeing he had absented himself, 
sent a captain with horsemen and footmen to seek him. He found 
much people, but by reason of the roughness of the country, he took 
none save a few women and children. The town was little and scat- 
tering, and had very little maize. For which cause the Governor 
speedily departed from thence. He came to another town called 
Tatalicoya ; he carried with him the cacique thereof, which guided 
him to Cayas. From Tatalicoya are four days' joui'ney to Cayas. 
When he came to Cayas, and saw the town scattered, he thought 
they had told him a lie, and that it was not the province of Cayas, 
because they had informed him that it was well inhabited. He 
threatened the cacique, charging him to tell him where he was : and 
he and other Indians which were taken near about that place, affirmed 
that this was the town of Cayas, and the best that was in that coun- 
try, and that though the houses were distant the one from the other, 
yet the ground that was inhabited was great, and that there was great 
store of people, and many fields of maize. This town was called 
Tanico ; he pitched his camp in the best part of it, near unto a river. 
The same day that the Governor came thither, he went a league far- 
ther with certain horsemen, and without finding any people, he found 
many skins in a pathway, which the cacique had left there, that they 
might be found, in token of peace. For so is the custom in that 
country. 

The Governor rested a month in the province of Cayas. In which 
time the horses fattened and thrived more, than in other places in a 
longer time, with the great plenty of maize and the leaves thereof, 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 179 

■which I think was the best that has been seen, and they drank of a 
lake of very hot water, and somewhat brackish, and they drank so 
much, that it swelled in their bellies when they brought them from 
the watering. Until that time the Christians wanted salt, and there 
they made good store, which they carried along with them. The 
Indians do carry it to other places to exchange it for skins and mantles. 
They make it along the river, which when it ebbeth, leaveth it upon 
the upper part of the sand. And because they cannot make it, with- 
out much sand mingled with it, they throw it into certain baskets 
which they have for that purpose, broad at the mouth and narrow at 
the bottom, and set it in the air upon a bar, and throw water into it, 
and set a small vessel under it, wherein it falleth : Being strained and 
set to boil upon the fire, when the water is sodden away, the salt 
remaineth in the bottom of the pan. On both sides of the river the 
country was full of sown fields, and there was store of maize. The 
Indians durst not come over where we were ; and when some of them 
showed themselves, the soldiers that saw them called unto them ; then 
the Indians passed the river, and came with them where the Governor 
was. He asked them for the cacique. They said that he remained quiet, 
but that he durst not show himself. The Grovernor presently sent 
him word, that he should come unto him, and bring him a guide and 
an interpreter for his journey, if he made account of his friendship : 
and if he did not so, he would come himself to seek him, and that it 
would be the worse for him. He waited three days, and seeing he 
came not, he went to seek him, and brought him prisoner with 150 of 
his men. He asked him, whether he had notice of any great cacique, 
and which way the country was best inhabited. He answered, that 
the best country thereabout was a province toward the south, a day 
and a half's journey, which was called Tulla; and that he could give 
him a guide, but no interpreter, because the speech of that country 
was different from his, and because he and his ancestors had always 
wars with the lords of that province ; therefore they had no commerce, 
nor understood one another's language. Immediately the Grovernor 
with certain horsemen, and fifty footmen, departed towards Tulla, to 
see if the country were such, as he might pass through it with all his 
company : and as soon as he arrived there, and was espied of the 
Indians, the country gathered together, and as soon as fifteen and twent}'- 
Indians could assemble themselves, they set upon the Christians : and 
seeing that they did handle them shrewdly, and that the horsemen 
overtook them when they fled, they got up into the tops of their houses. 



180 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

and sought to defend themselves with their arrows : and being beaten 
down from one, they got up upon another. And while our men pur- 
sued some, others set upon them another way. Thus the skirmish 
lasted so long, that the horses were tired, and they could not make 
them run. The Indians killed there one horse, and some were hurt. 
There were fifteen Indians slain there, and forty women and boys were 
taken prisoners. For whatsoever Indian did shoot at them, if they 
could come by him, they put him to the sword. The Governor 
determined to return toward Cayas, before the Indians had time to 
gather a head; and presently that evening, going part of the night to 
leave Tulla, he lodged by the way, and the next day came to Cayas : 
and within three days after he departed thence towards T^dla with all 
his company. He carried the cacique along with him, and among all 
his men, there was not one found that could understand the speech of 
Tulla. He stayed three days by the way, and the day that he came 
thither, he found the town abandoned : for the Indians durst not tarry 
his coming. But as soon as they knew that the Grovernor was in 
Tulla, the first night about the morning watch, they came in two 
squadrons two several ways, with their bows and arrows, and long 
staves like pikes. As soon as they were descried, both horse and foot 
sallied out upon them, where many of the Indians were slain : and 
some Christians and horses were hurt. Some of the Indians were 
taken prisoners, whereof the Grovernor sent six to the cacique, with 
their right hands and noses cut off: and sent him word, that if he 
came not to him to excuse and submit himself, that he would come to 
seek him, and that he would do the like to him, and as many of his 
as he could find, as he had done to those which he had sent him : and 
gave him three days' respite for to come. And this he gave them to 
understand by signs, as well as he could, for there was no interpreter. 
At the three days' end, there came an Indian laden with ox hides. 
He came weeping with great sobs, and coming to the Governor cast 
himself down at his feet. He took him up, and he made a speech, but 
there was none that understood him. The Governor by signs com- 
manded him to return to the cacique, and to will him to send him an 
interpreter, which could understand the men of Cayas. The next 
day came three Indians laden with ox hides : and within three days 
after came 20 Indians, and among them one that understood them of 
Cayas; who, after a long oration of excuses of the cacique, and praises 
of the Governor, concluded with this, that he and the other were come 
thither on the cacique's behalf, to see what his lordship would com- 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 181 

maud him to do, for he was ready at his commandment. The Governor 
and all his company were very glad. For in nowise could they travel 
without an interpreter. The Governor commanded him to be kept 
safe, and bade him tell the men that came with him, that they should 
return to the cacique, and signify unto him, that he pardoned him for 
that which was past, and thanked him much for his presents and 
interpreter, which he had sent him, and that he would be glad to see 
him, and that he should come the next day to talk with him. After 
three days, the cacique came, and eighty Indians with him; and himself 
and his men came weeping into the camp, in token of obedience and 
repentance for the error passed, after the manner of that country. 
He brought a present of many ox hides : which, because the country 
was cold, were very profitable, and served for coverlets, because they 
were very soft, and wooled like sheep. Not far from thence toward 
the north were many oxen. The Christians saw them not, nor came 
into the country where they were, because those parts were evil inhabited, 
and had small store of maize where they were bred. The Cacique of 
Tulla made an oration to the Governor, wherein he excused himself, and 
oifered him his country, subjects, and person. As well this cacique 
as the others, and all those which came to the Governor on their 
behalf, delivered their message or speech in so good order, that no 
orator could utter the same more eloquently. 

The Governor informed himself of all the country round about ; and 
understood, that toward the west was a scattered dwelling, and that 
toward the southeast were great towns, especially in a province called 
Autiamque, ten days' journey from Tulla; which might be about eighty 
leagues ; and that it was a plentiful country of maize. And because 
winter came on, and that they could not travel two or three months 
in the year for cold, waters, and snow : and fearing, that if they should 
stay so long in the scattered dwelling, they could not be sustained -, 
and also because the Indians said, that near to Axitiamque was a great 
water, and according to their relation, the Governor thought it was 
some arm of the sea : and because he now desired to send news of 
himself to Cuha, that some supply of men and horses might be sent 
unto him (for it was about three years since Donna Isahdla, which 
was in Havana, or any other person in Christendom had heard of him, 
and by this time he had lost 250 men, and 150 horses), he determined 
to winter in Autiamque, and the next spring to go to the sea coast and 
make two brigantines, and send one of them to Cuba, and the other 
to Nueva Espanna, that that which went in safety, might give news 



182 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

of him : toping with the goods which he had in Cubay to furnish him- 
self again, and to attempt the discovery and conquest toward the west : 
for he had not yet come where Cabega de Vaca had been. Thus 
having sent away the two caciques of Cayas and TnUa, he took his 
journey toward Autiamque: he traveled five days over rough moun- 
tains, and came to a town called Quipana, where no Indians could be 
taken for the roughness of the country : and the town being between 
hills, there was an ambush laid, wherewith they took two Indians ; 
which told them, that Autiamque was six days' journey from thence, 
and that there was another province toward the south, eight days' 
journey off, plentiful of maize, and very well peopled, which was called 
Guahate. But because Autiamque was nearer, and the most of the 
Indians agreed of it, the Governor made his journey that way. In 
three days he came to a town called Anoixi. He sent a captain before 
with thirty horsemen and fifty footmen, and took the Indians careless; 
he took many men and women prisoners. Within two days after the 
Governor came to another town called Catamaya, and lodged in the 
fields of the town. Two Indians came with a false message from the 
cacique to know his determination. He bade them tell their lord, that 
he should come and speak with him. The Indians returned and came 
no more, nor any other message from the cacique. The next day the 
Christians went to the town, which was without people : they took as 
much maize as they needed. That day they lodged in a wood, and 
the next day they came to Autiamque. They found much maize laid 
up in store, and French beans, and walnuts, and prunes, great store 
of all sorts. They took some Indians which were gathering together 
the stuff which their wives had hidden. This was a champaign country, 
and well inhabited. The Governor lodged in the best part of the 
town, and commanded presently to make a fence of timber round about 
the camp distant from the houses, that the Indians might not hurt 
them without by fire. And measuring the ground by paces, he 
appointed every one his part to do according to the number of Indians 
which he had : presently the timber was brought by them ; and in 
three days there was an inclosure made of very high and thick posts 
thrust into the ground, and many rails laid across. Hard by this 
town passed a river, that came out of the province of Cayas ; and 
above and beneath it was very well peopled. Thither came Indians 
on the cacique's behalf with a present of mantles and skins ; and an 
halting cacique, subject to the lord of Autiamque, lord of a town called 
Tietiquaquo, came many times to visit the Governor, and to bring him 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 183 

presents of such as lie had. The Cacique of Autiamque sent to know 
of the Governor, how long time he meant to stay in his country ? 
And understanding that he meant to stay about three days, he never 
sent any more Indians, nor any other message, but conspired with the 
lame cacique to rebel. Divers inroads were made, wherein there were 
many men and women taken, and the lame cacique among the rest. 
The Governor respecting the services which he had received of him, 
reprehended and admonished him, and set him at liberty, and gave 
him two Indians to carry him in a chair upon their shoulders. The 
Cacique oi Autiamque desiring to thrust the Governor out of his country, 
set spies over him. And an Indian coming one night to the gate of 
the inclosure, a soldier that watched espied him, and stepping behind 
the gate, as he came in, he gave him such a thrust, that he fell down ; 
and so he carried him to the Governor : and as he asked him where- 
fore he came, not being able to speak, he fell down dead. The night 
following the Governor commanded a soldier to give the alarm, and 
to say that he had seen Indians, to see how ready they would be to 
answer the alarm. And he did so sometimes as well there, as in other 
places, when he thought that his men were careless, and reprehended 
such as were slack. And as well for this cause, as in regard of doing 
their duty, when the alarm was given, every one sought to be the 
first that should answer. They staid in Autiamque three months, with 
great plenty of maize, French beans, walnuts, prunes, and conies: 
which until that time they knew not how to catch. And in Autiamque 
the Indians taught them how to take them ; which was, with great 
springs, which lifted up their feet from the ground: and the snare 
was made with a strong string, whereunto was fastened a knot of 
a cane, which ran close about the neck of the cony, because they 
should not gnaw the string. They took many in the fields of maize, 
especially when it froze or snowed. The Christains stayed there one 
whole month so inclosed with snow, that they went not out of the 
town : and when they wanted firewood, the Governor with his horse- 
men going and coming many times to the wood, which was two cross- 
bow shots from the town, made a pathway, whereby the footmen went 
for wood. In this mean space, some Indians which went loose, killed 
many conies with their gyves, and with arrows. These conies were 
of two sorts, some were like those of Sjmin, and the other of the 
same color and fashion, and as big as great hares, longer, and having 
greater loins. 

Upon Monday the 6th of March, 1542, the Governor departed from 



184 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

Autiamque to seek Nilco, whicli the Indians said was near the great 
river, with determination to come to the sea, and procure some succor 
of men and horses ; for he had now but three hundred men of war, 
and forty horses, and some of them lame, which did nothing but help 
to make up the number ; and for want of iron they had gone above a 
year unshod; and because they were used to it in the plain country, 
it did them no great harm. John Ortiz died in Autiamque, which 
grieved the G-overnor very much; because that without an interpreter 
he feared to enter far into the land, where he might be lost. From 
thenceforward a youth that was taken in Cutifachiqui did serve for 
interpreter, which had by that time learned somewhat of the Chris- 
tians' language. The death of Jolin Ortiz was so great a mischief 
for the discovering inward, or going out of the land, that to learn of 
the Indians, that which in four words he declared, they needed a 
whole day with the youth ; and most commonly he understood quite 
contrary that which was asked him ; whereby it often happened that 
the way that they went one day, and sometimes two or three days, 
they turned back, and went astray through the wood here and there. 
The G-overnor spent ten days in traveling from Autiamque to a pro- 
vince called Ay ays; and came to a town that stood near the river 
that passeth by Cayas and Autiamque. There he commanded a 
barge to be made, wherewith he passed the river. When he had 
passed the river there fell out such weather, that four days he could 
not travel for snow. As soon as it gave over snowing, he went three 
days' journey through a wilderness, and a country so low, and so full 
of lakes and evil ways, that he traveled a whole day in water, some- 
times knee deep, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes they swam. 
He came to a town called Tutelpinco, abandoned, and without maize. 
There passed by it a lake, that entered into the river, which carried a 
great stream and force of water. Five Christians passing over it in a 
periagua, which the Governor had sent with a captain, the periagua 
overset. Some took hold on it, some on the trees that were in the 
lake. One Francis Sebastian, an honest man of Villa nova de Barca 
Rota, was drowned there. The Governor went a whole day along the 
lake, seeking passage, and could find none, nor any way that did pass 
to the other side. Coming again at night to the town he found two 
peaceable Indians, which showed him the passage, and which way he 
was to go. There they made of canes and of the timber of houses 
thatched with cane, rafts, wherewith they passed the lake. They 
traveled three days, and came to a town of the territory of NilcOy 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 185 

called Tianto. There they took thu-ty Indians, and among them two 
principal men of this town. The Grovernor sent a captain, with horse- 
men and footmen, before to Nilco, because the Indians might have no 
time to carry away the provision. They passed through three or four 
great towns; and in the town where the cacique was resident, which was 
two leagues from the place where the Grovernor remained, they found 
many Indians with their bows and arrows, in manner as though they 
would have stayed to fight, which did compass the town; and as soon 
as they saw the Christians come near them, without misdoubting 
them, they set the cacique's house on fire, and fled over a lake that 
passed near the town, through which the horses could not pass. The 
next day being Wednesday, the 29th of March, the Governor came 
to Nilco; he lodged with all his men in the cacique's town, which 
stood in a plain field, which was inhabited for the space of a quarter 
of a league : and within a league and half a league were other very 
great towns, wherein was great store of maize, of French beans, of 
walnuts, and prunes. This was the best inhabited country that was 
seen in Florida, and had most store of maize, except Coca and Apa- 
lacTie. There came to the camp an Indian accompanied with others, 
and in the cacique's name gave the Grovernor a mantle of martens* 
skins, and a cordon of pearls. The Governor gave him a few small 
margarites, which are certain beads much esteemed in Pent, and other 
things, wherewith he was very well contented. He promised to re- 
turn within two days, but never came again : but on the contrary the 
Indians came by night in canoes, and carried away all the maize they 
could, and made them cabins on the other side of the river in the 
thickest of the wood, because they might flee if we should go to seek 
them. The Governor, seeing he came not at the time appointed, com- 
manded an ambush to be laid about certain store-houses near the 
lake, whither the Indians came for maize : where they took two In- 
dians, who told the Governor, that he which came to visit him, was 
not the cacique, but was sent by him under pretence to spy whether 
the Christians were careless, and whether they determined to settle 
in that country or to go forward. Presently the Governor sent a captaiii 
with footmen and horsemen over the river; and in their passage they 
were descried of the Indians, and therefore he could take but ten or 
twelve men and women, with whom he returned to the camp. This 
river, which passed by Nilco, was that which passed by Cay as and 
Autiamque, and fell into Rio Grande, or the Great River, which 
passed by Pachaha and Aquixo near unto the province of Guaclioya - 
and the lord thereof came up the river in canoes to make war with 



186 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

him of Nilco. Oa his behalf there came an Indian to the Governor 
and said unto him, that he was his servant, and prayed him so to 
hold him, and that within two days he would come to kiss his lord- 
ship's hands : and at the time appointed he came with some of his 
principal Indians, which accompanied him, and with words of great 
offers and courtesy he gave the Governor a present of many mantles 
and deers' skins. The Governor gave him some other things in re- 
compense, and honored him much. He asked him what towns there 
were down the river ? He answered that he knew none other but his 
own : and on the other side of the river the province of a cacique called 
Qidgalta. So he took his leave of the Governor and went to his own 
town. Within a few days the Governor determined to go to Guaclioya, 
to learn there whether the sea were near, or whether there were any 
habitation near, where he might relieve his company, while the 
brigantines were making, which he meant to send to the land of the 
Christians. As he passed the river of Nilco, there came in canoes 
Indians of Guachoya up the stream, and when they saw him, sup- 
posing that he came to seek them to do them some hurt, they re- 
turned down the river, and informed the cacique thereof : who with 
all his people, spoiling the town of all that they could, carry away, 
passed that night over to the other side of the Rio Grande, or the 
Great River. The Governor sent a captain with fifty men in six 
canoes down the river, and went himself by land with the rest : he 
came to Giiaclioya upon Sunday, the 17th of April: he lodged 
in the town of the cacique, which was enclosed about, and seated a 
crossbow shot distant from the river. Here the river is called Tama- 
liseu, and in Nilco Tapatu, and in Coga Mico, and in the port or 
mouth Hi. 

As soon as the Governor came to Guachoya, he sent John Danusco 
with as many men as could go in the canoes up the river. For when 
they came down from Nilco, they saw on the other side of the river 
new cabins made. John Danusco went and brought the canoes laden 
with maize, French beans, prunes, and many loaves made of the sub- 
stance of prunes. That day came an Indian to the Governor from 
the Cacique of Guachoya, and said that his lord would come the next 
day. They next day they saw many canoes come up the river, and 
on the other side of the Great River they assembled together in the 
space of an hour : they consulted whether they should come or not; 
and at length concluded to come, and crossed the river. In them 
came the Cacique of Guachoya, and brought with him many Indians, 
with great store of fish, dogs, deers' skins, and mantles : and as soon as 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 187 

they landed, they went to the lodging of the Governor, and presented 
him their gifts, and the cacique uttered these words : — 

" Mighty and excellent lord, I beseech your lordship to pardon me 
the error which I committed in absenting myself, and not tarrying in 
this town to have received and served your lordship ; since, to obtain 
this opportunity of time, was, and is as much as a great victory to me. 
But I feared that which I needed not to have feared, and so did that 
which was not reason to do. But as haste maketh waste, and I re- 
moved without deliberation; so, as soon as I thought on it, I deter- 
mined not to follow the opinion of the foolish, which is to continue in 
their error; but to imitate the wise and discreet, in changing my coun- 
sel, and so I came to see what your lordship will command me to do, 
that I may serve you in all things that are in my power." 

The Governor received him with much joy, and gave him thanks 
for his present and offer. He asked him, whether he had any notice 
of the sea. He answered no, nor of any towns down the river on 
that side; save that two leagues from thence was one town of a prin- 
cipal Indian, a subject of his; and on the other side of the river, three 
days' journey from thence down the river, was the province of Qui- 
galta, which was the greatest lord that was in that country! The 
Governor thought that the cacique lied unto him, to rid him out of 
his own towns, and sent John Danusco with eight horsemen down the 
river, to see what habitation there was, and to inform himself, if there 
were any notice of the sea. He traveled eight days, and at his re- 
turn he said, that in all that time he was not able to go above fourteen 
or fifteen leagues, because of the great creeks that came out of the 
river, and groves of canes, and thick woods that were along the banks 
of the river, and that he had found no habitation. The Governor 
fell into great dumps to see how hard it was to get to the sea; and 
worse, because his men and horses every day diminished, being with- 
out succor to sustain themselves in the country : and with that thought 
he fell sick. But before he took his bed he sent an Indian to the 
Cacique of Quigalfa to tell him, that he was the child of the sun, and 
that all the way that he came all men obeyed and served him, that 
he requested him to accept of his friendship, and come unto him ; for 
he would be very glad to see him ; and in sign of love and obedience 
to bring something with him of that which in his country was most 
esteemed. The cacique answered by the same Indian : 

" That whereas he said he was the child of the sun, if he would 
dry up the river he would believe him : and touching the rest, that he 



188 HISTORICAI- COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

was wont to visit none; but rather that all those of whom he had 
notice did visit him, served, obeyed, and paid him tributes willingly 
or perforce : therefore, if he desired to see him, it were best he should 
come thither: that if he came in peace, he would receive him with 
special good will; and if in war, in like manner he would attend him 
in the town where he was, and that for him or any other he would 
not shrink one foot back. 

By that time the Indian returned with this answer, the Governor 
had betaken himself to bed, being evil handled with fevers, and was 
much aggrieved that he was not in case to pass presently the river 
and to seek him, to see if he could abate that pride of his, consider- 
ing the river went now very strongly in those parts ; for it was near 
half a league broad, and sixteen fathoms deep, and very furious, and 
ran with a great current ; and on both sides there were many Indians, 
and his power was not now so great, but that he had need to help 
himself rather by slights than by force. The Indians of Guaclioya 
came every day with fish in such numbers, that the town was full of 
them. The cacique said, that on a certain night he of Quigalta 
would come to give battle to the Governor. Which the Governor 
imagined that he had devised, to drive him out of his country, and 
commanded him to be put in hold : and that night and all the rest, 
there was good watch kept. He asked him wherefore Quigalta came 
not ? He said that he came, but that he saw him prepared, and 
therefore durst not give the attempt : and he was earnest with him to 
send his captains over the river, and that he would aid him with many 
men to set upon Quigalta. The Governor told him that as soon as 
he was recovered, himself would seek him out. And seeing how 
many Indians came daily to the town, and what store of people was 
in that country, fearing they should all conspire together and plot 
some treason against him ; and because the town had some open gaps 
which were not made an end of inclosing, besides the gates which they 
went in and out by : because the Indians should not think he feared 
them, he let them all alone unrepaired; and commanded the horse- 
men to be appointed to them, and to the gates : and all night the 
horsemen went the round ; and two and two of every squadron rode 
about, and visited the scouts that were without the town in their stand- 
ings by the passages, and the crossbowmen that kept the canoes in 
the river. And because the Indians should stand in fear of them, he 
determined to send a captain to Nilco, for those of Guaclioya had 
told him that it was inhabited; that by using them cruelly, neither 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 189 

the one nor the other should presume to assail him ; and he sent 
Nunez de Touar with fifteen horsemen, and John de Guzman cap- 
tain of the footmen, with his company in canoes up the river. The 
Cacique of Guaclioya sent for many canoes and many warlike Indians 
to go with the Christians : and the captain of the Christians, called 
Nunez de Touar went by land with his horsemen, and two leagues 
before he came to Nilco he stayed for John de Guzman, and in that 
place they passed the river by night : the horsemen came first, and in 
the morning by break of day in sight of the town they lighted upon a 
spy; which as soon as he perceived the Christians, crying out amain 
fled to the town to give warning. Nunez de Touar and his com- 
pany made such speed, that before the Indians of the town could fully 
come out, they were upon them : it was champaign ground that was 
inhabited, which was about a quarter of a league. There were about 
five or six thousand people in the town : and, as many people came 
out of the houses, and fled from one house to another, and many In- 
dians came flocking together from all parts, there was never a horse- 
man that was not alone among many. The captain had commanded 
that they should not spare the life of any male. Their disorder was 
so great, that there was no Indian that shot an arrow at any Christian. 
The shrieks of women and children were so great, that they made the 
ears deaf of those that followed them. There were slain a hundred 
Indians, little more or less : and many were wounded with great 
wounds, whom they suffered to escape to strike a terror in the rest 
that were not there. There were some so cruel and butcherlike, that 
they killed old and young, and all that they met, though they made 
no resistance : and those which presumed of themselves for their valor, 
and were taken for such, broke through the Indians, bearing down 
many with their stirrups and breasts of their horses ; and some they 
wounded with their lances, and so let them go : and when they saw 
any youth or woman they took them, and delivered them to the foot- 
men. These men's sins by Grod's permission, lighted on their own 
heads : who, because they would seem valiant, became cruel ; showing 
themselves extreme cowards in the sight of all men when as most 
need of valor was required, and afterwards they came to a shameful 
death. Of the Indians of Nilco were taken prisoners, fourscore women 
and children, and much spoil. The Indians of Guachoya kept back 
before they came at the town, and stayed without, beholding the suc- 
cess of the Christians with the men of Nilco. And when they saw 
them put to flight, and the horsemen busy in killing of them, they 



190 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

hastened to the houses to rob, and filled their canoes with the spoil 
of the goods ; and returned to GtiacJioya before the Christians ; and 
wondering much at the sharp dealing which they had geen them use 
toward the Indians of Nilco, they told their cacique all that had passed 
with great astonishment. 

The Grovernor felt in himself that the hour approached wherein he 
was to leave this present life, and called for the king's officers, cap- 
tains, and principal persons, to whom he made a speech, saying : — 

'' That now he was to go to give an account before the presence of 
God of all his life past : and since it pleased him to take him in such 
a time, and that the time was come that he knew his death, that he 
his most unworthy servant did yield him many thanks therefor ; and 
desired all that were present and absent (whom he confessed himself 
to be much beholding unto for their singular virtues, love and loyalty, 
which himself had well tried in the travels which they had suffered, 
which always in his mind he did hope to satisfy and reward, when it 
should please Grod to give him rest, with more prosperity of his es- 
tate), that they would pray to God for him, that for his mercy he would 
forgive him his sins, and receive his soul into eternal glory : and that 
they would quit and free him of the charge which he had over them, and 
ought unto them all, and that they would pardon him for some wrongs 
which they might have received of him. And to avoid some division, 
which upon his death might fall out upon the choice of his successor, 
he requested them to elect a principal person, and able to govern, of 
whom all should like well; and when he was elected, they should 
swear before him to obey him : and that he would thank them very 
much in so doing ; because the grief that he had, would somewhat be 
assuaged, and the pain that he felt, because he left them in so great 
confusion, to wit, in leaving them in a strange country, where they 
knew not where they were. 

Baltasar de Gallegos answered in the name of all the rest. And 
first of all comforting him, he set before his eyes how short the life of 
this world was, and with how many troubles and miseries it is ac- 
companied, and how God showed him a singular favor which soonest 
left it : telling him many other things fit for such a time. And for 
the last point, that since it pleased God to take him to himself, al- 
though his death did justly grieve them much, yet as well he, as all 
the rest, ought of necessity to conform themselves to the will of God. 
And touching the Governor which he commanded they should elect, 
he besought him, that it would please his lordship to name him which 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 191 

he thought fit, and him they would obey. And presently he named 
Luys de Moscoso de Alvarado, his captain-general. And presently he 
was sworn by all that were present, and elected for governor. The 
next day, being the 21st of May, 1542, departed out of this life, 
the valorous, virtuous, and valiant Captain, Don Fernando de Soto, 
Grovernor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida : whom fortune ad- 
vanced, as it useth to do others, that he might have the higher fall. 
He departed in such a place, and at such a time, as in his sickness he 
had but little comfort : and the danger wherein all his people were of 
perishing in that country, which appeared before their eyes, was cause 
sufficient why every one of them had need of comfort, and why they 
did not visit nor accompany him as they ought to have done. Imj/s 
de 3I0SCOSO determined to conceal his death from the Indians, because 
Ferdinando de Soto had made them believe that the Christians were 
immortal; and also because they took him to be hardy, wise, and 
valiant : and if they should know that he was dead, they would be 
bold to set upon the Christians, though they lived peaceably by them. 
In regard of their disposition, and because they were nothing con- 
stant, and believed all that was told them, the Adelantado made them 
believe, that he knew some things that passed in secret among them- 
selves, without their knowledge, how, or in what manner he came by 
them : and that the figure which appeared in a glass, which he showed 
them, did tell him whatsoever they practiced and went about : and 
therefore neither in word nor deed durst they attempt anything that 
might be prejudicial unto him. 

As soon as he was dead, Luys de Moscoso commanded to put him 
secretly in the house, where he remained three days ; and removing 
him from thence, commanded him to be buried in the night at one of 
the gates of the town within the wall. And as the Indians had seen 
him sick, and missed him, so did they suspect what might be. And 
passing by the place where he was buried, seeing the earth moved, 
they looked and spake one to another. Luys de Moscoso understanding 
of it, commanded him to be taken up by night, and to cast a great deal 
of sand into the mantles, wherein he was wound up, wherein he was 
carried in a canoe, and thrown into the midst of the river. The Cacique 
of Cruachoya inquired for him, demanding what was become of his 
brother and lord, the Governor : Luys de Moscoso told him that he was 
gone to heaven, as many other times he did : and because he was to 
stay there certain days he had left him in his place. The cacique 
thought with himself that he was dead; and commanded two young 



192 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

and well-proportioned Indians to be brought thither ; and said, that 
the use of that country was, when any lord died, to kill Indians to 
wait upon him, and serve him by the way, and for that purpose by 
his commandment were those come thither : and prayed Luys de Mos- 
coso to command them to be beheaded, that they might attend and 
serve his lord and brother. Luys de Moscoso told him, that the Go- 
vernor was not dead, but gone to heaven, and that of his own Chris- 
tian soldiers, he had taken such as he needed to serve him, and prayed 
him to command those Indians to be loosed, and not to use any such 
bad custom from thenceforth : straightway he commanded them to 
be loosed, and to get them home to their houses. And one of them 
would not go ; saying, that he would not serve him, that without de- 
sert had judged him to death, but that he would serve him as long 
as he lived, which had saved his life. 

Luys de Moscoso caused all the goods of the Governor to be sold 
at an outcry : to wit, two men slaves and two women slaves, and three 
horses, and seven hundred hogs. For every slave or horse, they gave 
two or three thousand ducats : which were to be paid at the first 
melting of gold or silver, or at the division of their portion of inherit- 
ance. And they entered into bonds, though in the country there 
was not wherewith, to pay it within a year after, and put in sureties 
for the same. Such as in Spain had no goods to bind, gave two 
hundred ducats for a hog, giving assurance after the same manner. 
Those which had any goods in Spain, bought with more fear, and 
bought the less. From that time forward, most of the company had 
swine, and brought them up, and fed upon them ; and observed 
Fridays and Saturdays, and the evenings of feasts, which before they 
did not. For some times in two or three months they did eat no 
flesh, and whensoever they could come by it, they did eat it. 

Some were glad of the death of Don Ferdinando de Soto, holding 
for certain that Luys de Moscoso (which was given to his ease), would 
rather desire to be among the Christians at rest, than to continue the 
labors of the war in subduing and discovering of countries; whereof 
they were already weary, seeing the small profit that ensued thereof. 
The Governor commanded the captains and principal persons to meet 
to consult and determine what they should do. And being informed 
what peopled habitation was round about, he understood that to the 
west, the country was most inhabited, and that down the river be- 
yond Quigalta was uninhabited, and had little store of food. He 
desired them all, that every one would give his opinion in writing, 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 193 

and set his hand to it : that they might resolve by general consent, 
whether they should go down the river, or enter into the main land. 
All were of opinion, that it was best to go by land toward the west, 
because Nueva Espana was that way; holding the voyage by sea 
more dangerous, and of greater hazard, because they could make no 
ship of any strength to abide a storm, neither had they master, nor 
pilot, compass, nor chart, neither knew they how far the sea was off, 
nor had any notice of it ; nor whether the river did make any great 
turning into the land, or had any great fall from the rocks, where all 
of them might be cast away. And some which had seen the sea- 
chart, did find, that from the place where they were by the sea-coast 
to I\'tieva Espana, might be four hundred leagues, little more or lessj 
and said, that though they went somewhat about by land in seeking 
a peopled country, if some great wilderness which they could not pass 
did hinder them, by spending that summer in travel, finding provision 
to pass the winter in some peopled country, that the next summer 
after they might come to some Christian land, and that it might for- 
tune in their travel by land to find some rich country, where they 
might do themselves good. The Governor, although he desired to 
get out of Florida in shorter time, seeing the inconveniences they 
laid before him, in traveling by sea, determined to follow that which 
seemed good to them all. On Monday, the fifth day of June, he de- 
parted from Guaclioya. The cacique gave him a guide to Cliagiiate, 
and stayed at home in his own town. They passed through a pro- 
vince called Catalte: and having passed a wilderness of six days' 
journey, the twentieth day of the month he came to Chaguate. The 
cacique of this province had visited the Governor Don Ferdinando de 
Soto at Autiamque, whither he brought him presents of skins, and 
mantles, and salt. And a day before Lui/s de Moscoso came to his 
town, we lost a Christian that was sick; which he suspected that the 
Indians had slain. He sent the cacique word, that he should com- 
mand his people to seek him up, and send him unto him, and that 
he would hold him, as he did, for his friend; and if he did not, that 
neither he, nor his, should escape his hands, and that he would set 
his country on fire. Presently the cacique came unto him, and 
brought a great present of mantles and skins, and the Christian that 
was lost, and made this speech following : 

" Right excellent lord, I would not deserve that conceit which you 

had of me, for all the treasure of the world. What enforced me to 

go to visit and serve the excellent Lord Governor your father in 

Autiamque, which you should have remembered, where I ofiered my- 

14 



194 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

self with all loyalty, faith and love, during my life to serve and obey ■ 
him ? What then could be the cause, I having received favors of 
him, and neither you nor he having done me any wrong, that should 
move me to do the thing which I ought not? Believe this of me, 
that neither wrong, nor any worldly interest, was able to make me to 
have done it, nor shall be able to blind me. But as in this life it is 
a natural course, that after one pleasure many sorrows do follow : so 
by your indignation, fortune would moderate the joy, which my heart 
conceiveth with your presence ; and that I should err^.'where I thought 
surest to have hit the mark; in harboring this Christian which was 
lost, and using him in such manner, as he may tell himself, thinking 
that herein I did you service, with purpose to deliver him unto you 
in Chaguate, and to serve you to the uttermost of my power. If I 
deserve punishment for this, I will receive it at your hands, as from 
my lord, as if it were a favor. For the love which I did bear to the 
excellent Governor, and which I bear to you hath no limit. And 
like as you give me chastisement, so will you also show me favor. 
And that which now I crave of you is this, to declare your will unto 
me, and those things wherein I may be able to do you the most and 
best service." 

The Governor answered him, that because he did not find him in that 
town, he was incensed against him, thinking he had absented himself, 
as others had done : but seeing he now knew his loyalty and love, he 
would always hold him as a brother, and favor him in all his affairs. 
The cacique went with him to the town where he resided, which was 
a day's journey from thence. They passed through a small town, 
where there was a lake, where the Indians made salt : and the Chris- 
tians made some one day while they rested there, of a brackish water, 
which sprang near the town in ponds like fountains. The Governor 
stayed in Chaguate six days. There he was informed of the habita- 
tion towards the west. They told him, that three days' journey from 
thence was a province called Aguacay. The day that he departed 
from Chaguate, a Christian, called Francisco cle Guzman, the base 
son of a gentleman of Seville, stayed behind, and went to the Indians, 
with an Indian woman which he kept as his concubine, for fear he 
should be punished for gaming debts that he did owe. The Governor 
had traveled two days before he missed him ; he sent the cacique word 
to seek him up, and to send him to Aguacay, whither he traveled : 
which he did not perform. From the Cacique of Aguacay, before 
they came into the country, there met him on the way fifteen Indians 
with a present of skins, fish, and roasted venison. The Governor 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 195 

came to this town on "Wednesday, the fourth of July. He found the 
town without people, and lodged in it : he stayed there about a day; 
during which, he made some roads, and took many men and women. 
There they had knowledge of the South Sea. Here there was great 
store of salt made of sand, which they gather in a vein of ground 
like pebble stones. And it was made as they made salt in Cayas. 

The same day that the Governor departed from Aguacay, he lodged 
in a small town subject to the lord of that province. The camp 
was pitched hard by a lake of salt water ; and that evening they made 
some salt there. The day following he lodged between two moun- 
tains in a thin grove of wood. The next day he came to a small 
town called Pato. The fourth day after his departure from Aguacay 
he came to the first habitation of a province called Amaye. There 
an Indian was taken, which said that from thence to JSfaguatex was a 
day and a half's journey; which they traveled, finding all the way 
inhabited places. Having passed the peopled country of Amaye, on 
Saturday, the twentieth of July, they pitched their camp at noon be- 
tween Amaye and Naguatex along the corner of a grove of very fair 
trees. In the same place certain Indians were discovered, that came 
to view them. The horsemen went out to them, and killed six, and 
took two, whom the Governor asked, wherefore they came ? They 
said, to know what people he had, and what order they kept ; and 
that the Cacique of Naguatex, their lord, had sent them, and that he, 
with other caciques which came to aid him, determined that day to 
bid him battle. While they were occupied in these questions and 
answers, there came many Indians by two ways in two squadrons : and 
when they saw they were descried, giving a great cry they assaulted the 
Christians each squadron by itself; but seeing what resistance the 
Christians made them, they turned their backs and betook themselves 
to flight, in which many of them lost their lives ; and most of the 
horsemen following them in chase, careless of the camp, other two 
squadrons of Indians, which lay in ambush, set upon the Christians 
that were in the camp, which also they resisted, who also had their 
reward as the first. After the flight of the Indians, and that the 
Christians were retired, they heard a great noise a crossbow shot from 
the place where they were. The Governor sent twelve horsemen to 
see what it was. They found six Christians, four footmen and two 
horsemen, among many Indians ; the horsemen defending the foot- 
men with great labor. These being of them that chased the first two 
squadrons, had lost themselves, and coming to recover the camp fell 
among those with whom they were fighting : and so they, and those 



196 ■ HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

that came to succor them, slew many of the Indians, and brought one 
alive to the camp : whom the Governor examined, who they were that 
came to bid him battle. He told him, that they were the Cacique of 
Naguatex, and of Amaye, and another of a province called llacana<;, 
a lord of great countries and many subjects ; and that the Cacique of 
Naguatex came for captain and chief of them all. The Governor 
commanded his right arm and nose to be cut off, and sent him to the 
Cacique of Naguatex, charging him to tell him, that the nest day he 
would be in his covmtry to destroy him ; and if he would withstand 
his entrance, he should stay for him. That night he lodged there ; 
and the next day he came to the habitation of Naguatex, which was 
very scattering : he inquired where the cacique's chief town was ? 
They told him that it was on the other side of a river, that passed 
thereby : he traveled thitherward, and came unto it : and on the other 
side he saw many Indians, that tarried for him, making show as 
though they would defend the passage. And because he knew not 
whether it could be waded, nor where the passage was, and that some 
Christians and horses were hurt, that they might have time to recover, 
he determined to rest certain days in the town where he was. So he 
pitched his camp a quarter of a league from the river, because the 
weather was very hot, near unto the town, in a thin grove of very 
fair and high trees near a brook's side : and in that place were certain 
Indians taken ; whom he examined, whether the river were wadeable 
or no ? They said yea, at some times, and in some places. Within ten 
days after he sent two captains with fifteen horsemen a piece upward 
and down the river with Indians to show them where they should go 
over, to see what habitation was on the other side. And the Indians 
withstood them both, defending the passage of the river as far as they 
were able, but they passed in despite of them : and on the other side 
of the river they saw great habitation, and great store of victuals; 
and with these news returned to the camp. 

The Governor sent an Indian from Naguatex yfh.Qx& he lay, to com- 
mand the cacique to come to serve and obey him, and that he would 
forgive him all that was past; that if he came not, that he would 
seek him, and give him such punishment as he had deserved for that 
which he had done against him. Within two days the Indian re- 
turned, and said that the cacique would come the next day ; whicb, 
the same day when he came, sent many Indians before him, among 
whom there were some principal men : he sent them to see what coun- 
tenance they found in the Governor, to resolve with himself whether 
he should go or not. The Indians let him understand, that he was 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 197 

coming, and went away presently : and the cacique came within two 
hours accompanied with many of his men : they came all in a rank 
one before another on both sides, leaving a lane in the midst where 
he came. They came where the Grovernor was, all of them weeping 
after the manner of Tulla, which was not far from thence toward 
the east. The cacique made his due obedience, and the speech fol- 
lowing : 

" Eight high and mighty lord, whom all the world ought to serve 
and obey, I was bold to appear before your lordship, having committed 
so heinous and abominable an act, as only for me to have imagined, 
deserved to be punished ; trusting in your greatness, that although I 
deserve to obtain no pardon, yet for your own sake only you will use 
clemency toward me, considering how small I am in comparison of 
your lordship ; and not to think upon my weaknesses, which, to my 
grief and for my greater good, I have known. And I believe that 
you and yours are immortal ; and that your lordship is lord of the 
land of nature, seeing that you subdue all things, and they obey you, 
even the very hearts of men. For when I beheld the slaughter and 
destruction of my men in the battle, which, through mine ignorance, 
and the counsel of a brother of mine, which died in the same, I gave 
your lordship, presently I repented me in my heart of the error, which 
I had committed ; and desired to serve and obey you : and to this 
end I come, that your lordship may chastise and command me as your 
own.'' 

The Governor answered him, that he forgave him all which was 
past, that from thenceforth he should do his duty, and that he would 
hold him for his friend, and that he would favor him in all things. 
Within four days he departed thence, and coming to the river he 
could not pass, because it was grown very big ; which seemed to him 
a thing of admiration, being at that time that it was, and since it 
had not rained a month before. The Indians said, that it increased 
many times after that manner without raining in all the country. It 
was supposed, that it might be the tide that came into it. It was 
learned that the flood came alway from above, and that the Indians of 
all that country had no knowledge of the sea. The Governor returned 
unto the place where he had lodged before : and understanding with- 
in eight days after that the river was passable, he departed. He 
passed over and found the town without people : he lodged in the 
field, and sent the cacique word to come unto him., and to bring him 
a guide to go forward. And some days being past, seeing the cacique 
came not, nor sent anybody, he sent two captains sundry ways to burn 



198 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

the towns, and to take such Indians as they could find. They burnt 
great store of victuals, and took many Indians. The cacique seeing 
the hurt that be received in bis country, sent six principal Indians 
with three men for guides, which knew the language of the country 
through which the Grovernor was to pass. He departed presently 
from NaguateXj and within three days' journey came to a town of 
four or five houses, which belonged to the cacique of that province, 
which is called Nissoone: it was evil inhabited, and had little maize. 
Two days' journey forward the guides which guided the Governor, if 
they were to go westward, guided him to the east ; and sometimes 
went up and down through very great woods out of the way. The 
Governor commanded them to be banged upon a tree : and a woman 
that they took in Nissoone guided him, and went back again to seek 
the way. In two days he came to another miserable town called 
Lacane: an Indian was taken in that place, that said, that the coun- 
try of Nbndacao was a country of great habitation, and the houses 
scattering the one from the other, as they used to be in mountains, 
and had great store of maize. The cacique came with his men weep- 
ing, like them of Naguatex: for this is their use in token of obe- 
dience : be made him a present of much fish, and ofiered to do what 
he would command him. He took his leave, and gave him a guide 
to the province of Soacatino. 

The Governor departed from Nbndacao towards Soacatino, and 
in five days' journey came to a province called Aays. The Indians 
which inhabited it had no notice of the Christians : but as soon as 
they saw that they entered into their country, they assembled them- 
selves : and as they came together fifty or a hundred, they came forth 
to fight. While some fought, others came and charged our men an- 
other way, and while they followed some, others followed them. The 
fight lasted the greatest part of the day, till they came to their town. 
Some horses and men were wounded, but not to any hurt of their 
traveling : for there was no wound that was dangerous. There was 
a great spoil made of the Indians. That day that the Governor de- 
parted from thence, the Indian that guided him said that in Nonda- 
cao he had heard say, that the Indians of Soacatino had seen other 
Christians, whereof they all were very glad : thinking it might be 
true, and that they might have entered into those parts by Nueva 
Espana; and that if it were so, it was in their own hand to go out 
of Florida, if they found nothing of profit : for they feared they 
should lose themselves in some wilderness. This Indian led him two 
days out of the way. The Governor comma»ded to torture him. 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 199 

He said, that the Cacique of Nondacao, his lord, had commanded him 
to guide them so because they were his enemies, and that he was to do 
as his lord commanded him. The G-overnor commanded him to be cast 
to the dogs : and another guided him to Soacatino, whither he came the 
day following. It was a very poor country : there was great want of 
maize in that place. He asked the Indians whether they knew of 
any other Christians. They said that a little from thence toward the 
south they heard they were. He traveled twenty days through a coun- 
try evil inhabited, where they suffered great scarcity and trouble ; for 
that little maize which the Indians had, they had hidden and buried in 
the woods, where the Christians, after they were well wearied with their 
travel, at the end of their journey went to seek by digginwhat theg y 
should eat. At last, coming to a province that was called Guasco, the j 
found maize, wherewith they loaded their horses and the Indians that 
they had. From thence they went to another town called Naguiscoca. 
The Indians said they had no notice of any other Christians. The 
Governor commanded to torment them. They said, that they came 
first to another lordship which was called Nagacalioz, and from 
thence returned again to the west from whence they came. The 
Governor came in two days to Nagacalioz. Some women were taken, 
there : among whom there was one which said that she had seen 
Christians and had been taken by them, and had run away. The 
Governor sent a captain with fifteen horsemen to the place where the 
woman said she had seen them, to see if there was any sign of horses, 
or any token of their being there. After they had gone three or four 
leagues, the woman that guided them said that all that she had told 
them was untrue. And so they held all the rest that the Indians had 
said of seeing Christians in the land of Florida. And, because the 
country that way was poor of maize, and toward the west there was 
no notice of any habitation, they returned to Guasco. The Indians 
told them there, that ten days' journey from thence toward the west, 
was a river called Daycao, whither they went sometimes a hunting 
and killing of deer : and that they had seen people on the other side, 
but knew not what habitation was there. There the Christians took 
such maize as they found and could carry, and going ten days' journey 
through a wilderness, they came to the river which the Indians had 
told them of. Ten horsemen, which the Governor had sent before, 
passed over the same and went in a way that led to the river, and 
lighted upon a company of Indians that dwelt in very little cabins : 
who as soon as they saw them took themselves to flight, leaving that 
which they had; all which was nothing but misery and poverty. 



200 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

The country was so poor, that among tliem all there was not found 
half a peck of maize. The horsemen took two Indians, and returned 
with them to the river, where the Governor stayed for them. He 
sought to learn of them what habitation was toward the west. There 
was none in the camp that could understand their language. The 
Governor assembled the captains and principal persons to determine 
with their advice what they should do. And the most part said that 
they thought it best to return back to Rio Grande, or the Great 
River of Guaclioya; because that in Nilco and thereabout was store 
of maize ; saying, that they would make pinnaces that winter, and the 
nest summer pass down the river to the seaward in them, and coming 
to the sea they would go along the coast to Nucva Espana. For 
though it seemed a doubtful thing and difficult, by that which they 
had already alleged, yet it was the last remedy they had. For by 
land they could not go for want of an interpreter. And they held, 
that the country beyond the River of Dajjcao, where they were, was 
that which Caheca de Vaca mentioned in his relation that he passed 
»/ the Indians wMcJi lived like the Alarhes, having no settled j)lace, 
and fed upon Tunas and roots of the fields, and wild beasts that they 
killed. Which if it were so, if they should enter into it and find no 
victuals to pass the winter, they could not choose but perish, for 
they were entered already into the beginning of October : and if 
they stayed any longer they were not able to return for' rain and 
snows, nor to sustain themselves in so poor a country. The Governor 
(that desired long to see himself in a place where he might sleep his 
full sleep, rather than to conquer and govern a country where so 
many troubles presented themselves) presently returned back that 
same way that he came. 

When that which was determined was published in the camp, there 
were many that were greatly grieved at it : for they held the sea voy- 
age as doubtful, for the evil means they had, and of as great danger 
as the traveling by land : and they hoped to find some rich country 
before they came to the land of the Christians, by that which Caheca 
de Vaca had told the Emperor : and that was this : That after he had 
found clothes made of cotton wool, he saw gold and silver, and stones 
of great value. And they had not yet come where he had been. 
For until that place he always traveled by the sea-coast : and they 
traveled far within the land ; and that going towards the west, of 
necessity they should come where he had been. For he said that in 
a certain place he traveled many days, and entered into the land to- 
ward the north. And in Guasco they had already found some Tur- 



EXPEDITION OE HERNANDO DE SOTO. 201 

key stones, and mantles of cotton wool : which the Indians signified 
by signs that they had from the west : and that holding that course 
they should draw near to the land of the Christians. But though they 
were much discontented with it, and it grieved many to go backward, 
which would rather have adventured their lives and have died in the 
land of Florida, than to have gone poor out of it; yet were they not 
a sufficient part to hinder that which was determined, because the 
principal men agreed with the Governor. And afterward there was 
one that said, he would put out one of his own eyes, to put out another 
of Luyscle lloscoso; because it would grieve him much to see him 
prosper : because as well himself as others of his friends had crossed 
that which he durst not have done, seeing that within two days he 
should leave the government. From Daycao, where now they were, 
to Rio Grande, or the Grreat River, was one hundred and fifty leagues : 
which unto that place they had gone westward. And by the way as 
they returned back they had much ado to find maize to eat : for where 
they had passed the country was destroyed ; and some little maize 
that was left the Indians had hidden. The towns which in Naguatex 
they had burned (whereof it repented them) were repaired again, and 
the houses full of maize. This country is well inhabited and plen- 
tiful. In that place are vessels made of clay, which differ very little 
from those of Estremoz, or Moritemor. In CJiaguafe the Indians by 
commandment of the cacique came peaceably, and said, that the 
Christian which remained there would not come. The Governor wrote 
unto him, and .sent him ink and paper that he might answer. The 
substance of the words of the letter was to declare unto him his de- 
termination, which was to go out of the land of Florida, and to put 
him in remembrance that he was a Christian, that he would not re- 
main in the subjection of infidels, that he pardoned him the fault 
which he had done in going away to the Indians, that he should come 
unto him : and if they did stay him, that he would advertise him 
thereof by writing. The Indian went with the letter, and came again 
without any more answer, than, on the back side, his name and seal, 
that they might know he was alive. The Governor sent twelve horse- 
men to seek him : but he, which had his spies, so hid himself, thafc 
they could not find him. For want of maize the Governor could not 
stay any longer to seek him. He departed from Chaguatc, and passed 
the river by Aays ; going down by it he found a town called Chilano, 
which as yet they had not seen. They came to Nilco, and found so 
little maize, as could not suffice till they made their ships ; because 
the Christians; being in Guacliojja in the seed time, the Indians for 



202 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

fear of them durst not come to sow the grounds of Nilco : and they 
knew not thereabout any other country where any maize was : and 
that was the most fruitful soil that was thereaway, and where they 
had most hope to find it. Every one was confounded, and the most 
part thought it bad counsel to come back from the river of Daycao, 
and not to have followed their fortune, going that way that went over 
land. For by sea it seemed impossible to save themselves, unless 
God would work a miracle for them : for there was neither pilot, nor 
sea-chart, neither did they know where the river entered into the sea, 
neither had they notice of it, neither had they anything wherewith to 
make sails, nor any store of enequem, which is a grass whereof they 
make oakum, which grew there ; and that which they found they 
saved to caulk the pinnaces withal ; neither had they anything to 
pitch them withal ; neither could they make ships of such substance, 
but that any storm would put them in great danger : and they feared 
much it would fall out with them, as it did with Pamphih de Nar- 
vaez, which was cast away upon that coast. And above all other it 
troubled them most, that they could find no maize : for without it they 
could not be sustained, nor could do anything that they had need of. 
All of them were put to great confusion. Their chief remedy was to 
commit themselves to Grod, and to beseech him that he would direct 
them the way that they might save their lives. And it pleased him 
of his goodness, that the Indians of Nilco came peaceably, and told 
them, that two days' journey from thence, near unto the Great River, 
were two towns, whereof the Christians had no notice, and that the 
province was called Minoya, and was a fruitful soil : that, whether at 
this present there was any maize or no, they knew not, because they 
had war with them : but that they would be very glad with the favor 
of the Christians to go and spoil tkem. The Governor sent a cap- 
tain thither with horsemen and footmen, and the Indians of Nilco 
with him. He came to Minoya, and found two great towns seated in 
a plain and open soil, half a league distant, one in sight of another, 
and in them he took many Indians, and found great store of maize. 
Presently he lodged in one of them, and sent word to the Governor 
what he had found : wherewith they were all exceeding glad. They 
departed from Nilco in the beginning of December; and all that way, 
and before from Chilano, they endured much trouble : for they passed 
through many waters, and many times it rained, with a northern wind, 
and was exceeding cold, so that they were in the open field with water 
over and underneath them: and when at the end of their day's jour- 
ney, they found dry ground to rest upon, they gave great thanks to 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 208 

God. With this trouble almost all the Indians that served them died. 
And after they were in Minoya, many Christians also died : and the 
most part were sick of great and dangerous diseases, which had a 
spice of the lethargy. At this place died Andreio de Vasconcelos, 
and two Portuguese of Elvas, which were very near him : which were 
brethren, and by their surname called Sotis. The Christians lodged 
in one of the towns which they liked best, which was fenced about, 
and distant a quarter of a league from the Great River. The maize 
that was in the other town was brought thither ; and in all it was 
esteemed to be sis thousand hanegs or bushels. And there was the 
best timber to make ships that they had seen in all the land of 
Florida ; wherefore all of them gave God great thanks for so singular 
a favor, and hoped that that which they desired would take effect, 
which was, that they might safely be conducted into the land of the 
Christians. 

As soon as they came to Minoya, the Governor commanded them 
to gather all the chains together, which every one had to lead Indians 
in ; and to gather all the iron which they had for their provision, and 
all the rest that was in the camp : and to set up a forge to make nails, 
and commanded them to cut dovra timber for the brigantines. And 
a Portuguese of Ceuta, who having been a prisoner in Fez, had 
learned to saw timber with a long saw, which for such purposes they 
had carried with them, did teach others, which helped him to saw 
timber. And a Genevese, whom it pleased God to preserve (for with- 
out him they had never come out of the country, for there was never 
another that could make ships but he), with four or five other Biscayan 
carpenters, which hewed his planks and other timbers, made the 
brigantines : and two calkers, the one of Geneva, the other of Sar- 
dinia, did calk them with the tow of an herb like hemp, whereof 
before I have made mention, which there is named enequen. And 
because there was not enough of it, they calked them with the flax 
of the country, and with the mantles, which they raveled for that 
purpose. A cooper which they had among them fell sick, and was at 
the point of death : and there was none other that had any skill in 
that trade : it pleased God to send him his health. And albeit he 
was very weak, and could not labor, yet fifteen days before they de- 
parted, he made for every brigantine two half hogsheads, which 
the mariners call quarterets, because four of them hold a pipe 
of water. The Indians which dwelt two days' journey above the 
river in a province called Taguanate, and likewise those of Nilco and 



204 HISTOKICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

Guacoya, and otliers tlieir neiglibors seeing the brigantines in making, 
thinking, because their places of refuge are in the water, that they 
were to go to seek them, and because the Governor demanded man- 
tles of them, as necessary for sails, came many times, and brought 
many mantles, and great store of fish. And for certain it seemed 
that God was willing to favor them in so great necessity, moving the 
minds of the Indians to bring them : for to go to take them, they 
were never able. For in the town where they were, as soon as win- 
ter came, they were so enclosed and compassed with water, that they 
could go no farther by land, than a league, and a league and a half. 
And if they would go farther, they could carry no horses, and without 
them they were not able to fight with the Indians, because they were 
many : and so many for so many on foot they had the advantage of 
them by water and by land, because they were more apt and lighter, 
and by reason of the disposition of the country, which was according 
to their desire for the use of their war. They brought also some 
cords,- and those which wanted for cables were made of the barks of 
mulberry trees. They made stirrups of wood, and made anchors of 
their stirrups. In the month of March, when it had rained a month 
before, the river grew so big that it came to Nilco, which was nine 
leagues of: and on the other side, the Indians said, that it reached 
other nine leagues into the land. In the town where the Christians 
were, which was somewhat high ground, where they could best go, 
the water reached to the stirrups. They made certain rafts of tim- 
ber, and laid many boughs upon them, whereon they set their horses, 
and in the houses they did the like. But seeing that nothing pre- 
vailed, they went up to the lofts : and if they went out of the houses, 
it was in canoes, or on horseback in those places where the ground 
was highest. So they were two months, and could do nothing, during 
which time the river decreased not. The Indians ceased not to come 
unto the brigantines as they were wont, and came in canoes. At that 
time the Governor feared they would set upon him. He commanded 
his men to take an Indian secretly of those that came to the town, 
and to stay him till the rest were gone : and they took one. The 
Governor commanded him to be put to torture, to make him confess 
whether the Indians did practice any treason or no. He confessed 
that the caciques of Nilco, Guaclioi/a, and Taguanate, and others, 
which in all were about twenty caciques, with a great number of 
people, determined to come upon him; and that three days before, 
they would send a great present of fish to cover their great treason 
and malice, and on the very day they would send some Indians before 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 205 

witli another present. And these, with those Tvhich were our slaves, 
which were of their conspiracy also, should set the houses on fire, and 
first of all possess themselves of the lances which stood at the doors 
of the houses ; and the caciques, with all their men, should be near 
the town in ambush in the wood, and when they saw the fire 
kindled, should come, and make an end of the conquest. The G-o- 
vernor commanded the Indian to be kept in a chain, and the self- 
same day that he spoke of, there came thirty Indians with fish. Pie 
commanded their right hands to be cut off, and sent them so back to 
the Cacique of Guaclioya, whose men they were. He sent him word 
that he and the rest should come when they would, for he desired 
nothing more, and that he should know, that they thought not any- 
thing which he knew not before they thought of it. Hereupon they 
all were put in a very great fear : and the caciques of Nilco and 
Taguanate came to excuse themselves: and a few days after came he 
of Guaclioya, and a principal Indian, and his subject, said, he knew 
by certain information, that the caciques of Nilco and Taguanate 
were agreed to come and make war upon the Christians. As soon as 
the Indians came from Nilco, the Governor examined them, and they 
confessed it was true. He delivered them presently to the principal 
men of Guaclioya, which drew them out of the town and killed them. 
Another day came some from Taguanate, and confessed it likewise. 
The Grovernor commanded their right hands and noses to be cut off, 
and sent them to the cacique, wherewith they of Guaclioya remained 
very well contented : and they came oftentimes with presents of man- 
tles and fish, and hogs, which bred in the country of some swine that 
were lost by the way the last year. As soon as the waters were 
slaked, they persuaded the Governor to send to Taguanate. They 
came and brought canoes, wherein the footmen were conveyed down 
the river, and a captain with horsemen went by land; and the Indians 
of Guachoya, which guided him till they came to Taguanate, as- 
saulted the town, and took many men and women, and mantles, which 
with those that they had already were sufficient to supply their want. 
The brigantines being finished in the month of June, the Indians 
having told us that the river increased but once a year, when the 
snows did melt, in the time wherein I mentioned it had already in- 
creased, being now in summer, and having not rained a long time, it 
pleased God that the flood came up to the town to seek the brigan- 
tines, from whence they carried them by water to the river. Which, 
if they had gone by land, had been in danger of breaking and split- 
ting their keels, and to be all undone ; because that for want of iron. 



206 HISTOKICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

♦ 

the spikes were short, and the planks and timber were very weak. 
The Indians of Minoya^ during the time that they were there came 
to serve them (being driven thereunto by necessity) that of the maize 
which they had taken from them, they would bestow some crumbs 
upon them, and because the country was fertile, and the people used 
to feed of maize, and the Christians had gotten all from them that 
they had, and the people were many, they were not able to sustain 
themselves. Those which came to the town were so weak and feeble, 
that they had no flesh left on their bones : and many came and died 
near the town for pure hunger and weakness. The Grovernor com- 
manded upon grievous punishments to give them no maize. Yet, 
when they saw that the hogs wanted it^not, and that they had yielded 
themselves to serve them, and considering their misery and wretched- 
ness, having pity of them, they gave them part of the maize which 
they had. And when the time of their embarkment came, there was 
not sufficient to serve their own turns. That which there was, they 
put into the brigantines, and into great canoes tied two and two to- 
gether. They shipped twenty-two of the best horses that were in 
the camp, the rest they made dried flesh of; and dressed the hogs 
which they had in like manner. They departed from Minoya the 
second day of July, 1543. 

The day before they departed from 3Iinoya, they determined to 
dismiss all the men and women of the country, which they had de- 
tained as slaves to serve them, save some hundred, little more or less, 
which the Grovernor embarked, and others whom it pleased him to 
permit. And because there were many men of quality, whom he 
could not deny that which he granted to others, he used a policy, 
saying, that they might serve them as long as they were in the river, 
but when they came to the sea, they must send them away for want 
of water, because they had but few vessels. He told his friends in 
secret, that they should carry theirs to Nueva Espana : and all 
those whom he bare no good-will unto (which were the greater num- 
ber) ignorant of that which was hidden from them, which afterward 
time discovered, thinking it inhumanity for so little time of service, in 
reward of the great service that they had done them, to carry them 
with them, to leave them slaves to other men out of their own coun- 
tries, left five hundred men and women ; among whom were many 
boys and girls, which spake and understood the Spanish tongue. 
The most of them did nothing but weep ; which moved great com- 
passion ; seeing that all of them with good-will would have become 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 207 

Christians, and were left in state of perdition. There went from 
Mlnoya three hundred and twenty-two Spaniards in seven brigan- 
tines, well made, save that the planks were thin, because the nails 
were short, and were not pitched, nor had any decks to keep the 
water from coming in. Instead of decks they laid planks, whereon 
the mariners might run to trim their sails, and the people might re- 
fresh themselves above and below. The Governor made his captains, 
and gave to every one his brigantine, and took their oath and their 
word, that they would obey him, until they came to the land of the 
Christians. The Governor took one of the brigantines for himself, 
which he best liked. The same day that they departed from Mlnoya, 
they passed by Giiaclioya, where the Indians tarried for them in 
canoes by the river. And on the shore, they had made a great arbor 
with boughs . They desired him to come on shore ; but he excused 
himself, and so went along. The Indians in their canoes accompanied 
him ; and coming where an arm of the river declined on the right 
hand, they said that the Province of Quigalta was near unto that 
place, and importuned the Governor to set upon him, and that they 
would aid him. And because they had said that he dwelt three days' 
journey down the river, the Governor supposed that they had plotted 
some treason against him, and there left them ; and went down with 
the greatest force of the water. The current was very strong, and 
with the help of oars, they went very swiftly. The first day they 
landed in a wood on the left hand of the river, and at night they 
withdrew themselves to the brigantines. The next day they came to 
a town where they went on shore, and the people that was in it durst 
not tarry. A woman that they took there being examined, said, that 
the town belonged to a cacique named Huasene, subject to Quigalta, 
and that Quigalta tarried for them below in the river with many men. 
Certain horsemen went thither, and found some houses, wherein was 
much maize. Immediately more of them went thither and tarried 
there one day, and which they did beat out, and took as much maize 
as they needed. While they were there, many Indians came from 
the nether part of the river, and on the other side right against them 
somewhat carelessly set themselves in order to fight. The Governor 
sent in two canoes the crossbowmen that he had, and as many more 
as could go in them. They ran away, and seeing the Spaniards could 
not overtake them, they returned back, and took courage; and com- 
ing nearer, making an. outcry, they threatened them : and as soon as 
they departed thence, they went after them, some in canoes, and some 



208 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

by land along the river; and getting before, coming to a town that 
stood by the river's side, they joined altogether, making a show that 
they would tarry there. Every brigantine towed a canoe fastened to 
their sterns for their particular service. Presently there entered men 
into every one of them, which made the Indians to fly, and burned 
the town. The same day they presently landed in a great field, where 
the Indians durst not tarry. The next day there were gathered to- 
gether an hundred canoes, among which were some that carried sixty 
and seventy men, and the principal men's canoes had their tilts, and 
plumes of white and red feathers for their ensigns : and they came 
within two crossbow shots of the brigantines, and sent three Indians 
in a small canoe with a feigned message to view the manner of the 
brigantines, and what weapons they had. And coming to the side 
of the Governor's brigantine, one of the Indians entered, and said : 

" That the Cacique of Quigalta, his lord, sent him his commenda- 
tions, and did let him understand, that all that the Indians of 
Guaclioya had told him concerning himself, was false, and that they 
had incensed him, because they were his enemies ; that he was his 
servant, and should find him so." 

The Grovernor answered him, that he believed all that he said was 
true, and willed him to tell him that he esteemed his friendship very 
much. With this answer they returned to the place where the rest 
in their canoes were waiting for them, and from thence all of them 
fell down, and came near the Spaniards, shouting aloud, and threaten- 
ing of them. The Governor sent John de Guzman, which had been 
a captain of footmen in Florida, with fifteen armed men in canoes to 
make them give way. As soon as the Indians saw them come 
towards them, they divided themselves into two parts, and stood still 
till the Spaniards came nigh them, and when they were came near 
them, they joined together on both sides, taking Jolm de Guzman in 
the middle, and them that came first with him, and with great fury 
boarded them : and as their canoes were bigger, and many of them 
leaped into the water to stay them, and to lay hold on the canoes of 
the Spaniards, and overwhelm them ; so presently they overwhelmed 
them. The Christians fell into the water, and with the weight of 
their armor sunk down to the bottom ; and some few, that by swim- 
ming or holding by the canoe could have saved themselves, with 
oars and staves which they had, they struck them on the head and 
make them sink. When. they of the brigantines saw the overthrow, 
though they went about to succor them, yet through the current of 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 209 

the river they could not go back. Four Spaniards fled to the brigan- 
tine that was nearest to the canoes ; and only these escaped of those 
that came among the Indians. There were eleven that died there : 
among whom John de Guzman was one, and a son of Don Carlos, 
called John de Vargas : the rest also were persons of account and men 
of great courage. Those that escaped by swimming said that they 
saw the Indians enter the canoe of John de Guzman at the stern of 
one of their canoes, and whether they carried him away dead or alive 
they could not certainly tell. 

The Indians, seeing that they had got the victory, took such cou- 
rage, that they assaulted them in the brigantines, which they durst 
not do before. They came first to that brigantine wherein Calderon 
went for captain, and was in the rearward ; and at the first volley of 
arrows they wounded twenty-five men. There were only four armed 
men in this brigantine ; these did stand at the brigantine's side to de- 
fend it. Those that were unarmed, seeing how they hurt them, left 
their oars and went under the deck : whereupon the brigantine began 
to cross, and to go where the current of the stream carried it. One 
of the armed men seeing this, without the commandment of the cap- 
tain, made a footman to take an oar and steer the brigantine, he stand- 
ing before him and defending him with his target. The Indians came 
no nearer than a bowshot, from whence they ofi"ended and were not 
offended, receiving no hurt : for in every brigantine was but one 
crossbow, and those which we had were very much out of order. So 
that the Christians did nothing else but stand for a butt to receive 
their arrows. Having left this brigantine they went to another, and 
fought with it half an hour ; and so from one to another they fought 
with them all. The Christians had mats to lay under them, which 
were double, and so close and strong, that no arrow went through 
them. And as soon as the Indians gave them leisure, they fenced 
the brigantines with them. And the Indians seeing that they could 
not shoot level, shot their arrows at random up in the air, which fell 
into the brigantines, and hurt some of the men : and not therewith 
contented, they sought to get to them which were in the canoes with 
the horses. Those of the brigantines environed them to defend them, 
and took them among them. Thus seeing themselves much vexed by 
them, and so wearied that they could no longer endure it, they deter- 
mined to travel all the night following, thinking to get beyond the 
country of Quigalta, and that they would leave them : but when they 
thought least of it, supposing that they had now left them, they heard 
15 



210 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

very near them so great outcries, that they made them deaf, and so 
they followed us all that night, and the next day till noon, by which 
time we were come into the country of others, whom they desired to 
use us after the same manner; and so they did. The men of Quigalta 
returned home; and the other in fifty canoes fought with us a whole 
day and a night; and they entered one of the brigantines, that came 
in the rearward, by the canoe which she had at her stern, and took 
away a woman which they found in it, and afterwards hurt some of 
the men in the brigantines. Those which came with the horses in 
the canoes, being wearied with rowing night and day, lingered be- 
hind ; and presently the Indians came upon them, and they of the 
brigantines tarried for them. The Governor resolved to go on shore 
and kill the horses, beeaiise of the slow way which they made be- 
cause of them. As soon as they saw a place convenient for it, they 
went thither and killed the horses, and brought the flesh of them to 
dry it on board. Four or five of them remained on shore alive ; the 
Indians went unto them, after the Spaniards were embarked. The 
horses were not acquainted with them, and began to neigh, and run 
up and down in such sort, that the Indians, for fear of them, leaped 
into the water ; and getting into their canoes went after the brigan- 
tines, shooting cruelly at them. They followed us that evening and 
the night following till the next day at ten of the clock, and then re- 
turned up the river. Presently from a small town that stood upon 
the river came seven canoes, and followed us a little way down the 
river, shooting at us : but seeing they were so few that they could do 
us but little harm, they returned to their town.' From thence for- 
ward, until they came to the sea, they had no encounter. They 
sailed down the river seventeen days : which may be two hundred and 
fifty leagues' journey, little more or less : and near unto the sea, the 
river is divided into two arms; each of them is a league and a half 
broad. 

Half a league before they came to the sea, they came to anchor to 
rest themselves there about a day; for they were very weary with 
rowing, and out of heart. For by the space of many days they had 
eaten nothing but parched and sodden maize; which they had by 
allowance every day an headpiece full by strike for every three men. 
While they rode there at anchor seven canoes of Indians came to set 
upon those which they brought with them. The G-overnor com- 
manded armed men to go aboard them, and to drive them farther ofi". 
They came also against them by land through a thick wood, and a 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 211 

moorish ground, and had staves with very sharp forked heads made 
of the bones of fishes, and fought very valiantly with us, which went 
out to encounter them. And the other that came in canoes with their 
arrows staid for them that came against them, and at their coming 
both those that were on land, and those in the canoes wounded some 
of us : and seeing us come near them, they turned their backs, and 
like swift horses among footmen got away from us; making some 
returns, and reuniting themselves together, going not past a bow shot 
off: for in so retiring they shot, without receiving any hurt of the 
Christians. For though they had some bows, yet they could not use 
them; and brake their arms with rowing to overtake them. And the 
Indians easily in their compass went with their canoes, staying and 
wheeling about as it had been in a skirmish, perceiving that those 
that came against them could not offend them. And the more they 
strove to come near them, the more hurt they received. As soon as 
they had driven them farther off, they returned to the brigantines. 
They stayed two days there : and departed from thence unto the place 
where the arm of the river entereth into the sea. They sounded in 
the river near unto the sea, and found forty farthoms water. They 
staid there. And the Grovernor commanded all and singular persons 
to speak their minds touching their voyage, whether it were best to 
cross over to JSfueva Espana, committing themselves to the high sea, 
or whether they should keep along the coast. There were sundry 
opinions touching this matter : wherein John Danusco, which presumed 
much, and took much upon him in the knowledge of navigation, and 
matters of the sea, although he had but little experience, moved 
the Grovernor with his talk : and his opinion was seconded by some 
others. And they afl&rmed, that it was much better to pass by the 
high sea, and cross the gulf, which was three of four parts the lesser 
travel, because in going along the coast, they went a great way about, 
by reason of the compass which the land did make. John Danusco 
said, that he had seen the sea-card, and that from the place where they 
were, the coast ran east and west unto Rio de las Palmas; and from 
Rio de las Palmas to JVueva Pspana from north to south : and therefore 
in sailing always in sight of land would be a great compassing about 
and spending of much time ; and that they would be in great danger 
to be overtaken with winter before they should get to the land of 
the Christians : and that in ten or twelve days' space, having good 
weather, they might be there in crossing over. The most part were 
against this opinion, and said that it was more safe to go along the 
coast, though they staid the longer ; because their ships were very 



212 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

weak and without decks, so that a very little storm was enough to 
cast them away : and if they should be hindered with calms, or con- 
trary weather, through the small store of vessels which they had to 
carry water in, they should likewise fall into great danger : and that 
although the ships were such as they might venture in them, yet hav- 
ing neither pilot nor sea-card to guide themselves, it was no good 
counsel to cross the gulf. This opinion was confirmed by the greatest 
part : and they agreed to go along the coast. At the time wherein 
they sought to depart from thence, the cable of the anchor of the Go- 
vernor's brigantine brake, and the anchor remained in the river. And 
albeit they were near the shore, yet it was so deep, that the divers 
diving many times could never find it; which caused great sadness in 
the Governor, and in all those that went with him in his brigantine : 
but with a grindstone which they had, and certain bridles which 
remained to some of the gentlemen, and men of worship which had 
horses, they made a weight which served instead of an anchor. The 
18 th of July (1543) they went forth to sea with fair and prosperous 
weather for their voyage. And seeing that they were gone two or 
three leagues from the shore, the captains of the other brigantines 
overtook them, and asked the Governor, wherefore he did put off from 
the shore ? and that if he would leave the coast, he should say so ; 
and he should not do it without the consent of all : and that if he did 
otherwise, they would not follow him, but that every one would do 
what seemed best unto himself. The Governor answered, that he 
would do nothing without their counsel, but that he did bear off" from 
the land to sail the better and safer by night ; and that the next day 
when time served, he would return to the sight of land again. They 
sailed with a reasonable good wind that day and the night following, 
and the next day till evening song, always in fresh water; whereat 
they wondered much : for they were very far from land. But the 
force of the current of the river is so great, and the coast there is so 
shallow and gentle, that the fresh water enters far into the sea. 
That evening on their right hand they saw certain creeks, whither 
they went, and rested there that night : where John Danusco with his 
reasons won them at last, that all consented and agreed to commit 
themselves to the main sea, alleging, as he had done before, that it 
was a great advantage, and that their voyage would be much shorter. 
They sailed two days, and when they would have come to sight of 
land they could not, for the wind blew from the shore. On the fourth 
day, seeing their fresh water began to fail, fearing necessity and 
danger, they all complained of John Danusco, and of the Governor 



EXPEDITION or HERNANDO DE SOTO. 213 

that followed his counsel : and every one of the captains said, that 
they would no more go from the shore, though the Grovernor went 
whither he would. It pleased God that the wind changed, though but 
a little : and at the end of four days after they had put to sea, being 
already destitute of water, by force of rowing they got within sight of 
. land, and with great trouble recovered it, in an open road. That 
evening the wind came to the south, which on that coast is a cross 
wind, and drove the brigantines against the shore, because it blew very 
hard, and the anchors were so weak, that they yielded and began to 
bend. The Grovernor commanded all men to leap into the water, and 
going betweeen them and the shore, and thrusting the brigantines into 
the sea as soon as the wave was past, they saved them till the wind 
ceased. 

In the bay where they rode, after the tempest was passed, they 
went on shore, and with mattocks, which they had, they digged certain 
pits, which grew full of fresh water, where they filled all the casks 
they had. The next day they departed thence, and sailed two days, 
and entered into a creek like unto a pool, fenced from the south 
wind, which then did blow, and was against them; and there they 
stayed four days, not being able to get out; and when the sea was 
calm they rowed out. They sailed that day, and towards evening 
the wind grew so strong that it drove them on the shore, and they 
were sorry that they had put forth from the former harbor ; for as 
soon as night approached, a storm began to rise in the sea, and the 
wind still waxed more violent with a tempest. The brigantines lost 
one another. Two of them, which bare more into the sea, entered 
into an arm of the sea, which pierced into the land two leagues be 
yond the place where the others were that night. The five which 
stayed behind, being always a league and half a league the one from 
the other, ipet together, without any knowledge the one of the other, 
in a wild road, where the wind and the waves drove them on shore; 
for their anchors did straighten and came home, and they could not 
use their oars, putting seven or eight men to every one, which rowed 
to seaward; and all the rest leaped into the water, and when the wave 
was passed that drave the brigantine on shore, they thrust it again 
into the sea with all the diligence and might that they had. Others, 
while another wave was incoming, with bowls laved out the water 
that came in overboard. While they were in this tempest, in 
great fear of being cast away in that place, from midnight forward 
they endured an intolerable torment of an infinite swarm of mosquitoes 
which fell upon them, which as soon as they had stung the flesh, it so 



214 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

infected it, as though they had been venomous. In the morning the 
sea was assuaged and the wind slacked, but not the mosquitoes; for 
the sails, which were white, seemed black with them in the morning. 
Those which rowed, unless others kept them away, were not able to 
row. Having passed the fear and danger of the storm, beholding the 
deformities of their faces, and the blows which they gave themselves 
to drive them away, one of them laughed at another. They met all 
together in the creek where the two brigantines were which outwent 
their fellows. There was found a scum which they call copee, which 
the sea casteth up, and it is like pitch, wherewith in some places, 
where pitch is wanting, they pitch their ships; there they pitched 
their brigantines. They rested two days, and then eftsoons pro- 
ceeded on their voyage. They sailed two days more, and landed in a 
bay or arm of the sea, where they stayed two days. The same day 
that they went from thence sis men went up in a canoe toward the 
head of it, and could not see the end of it. They put out from 
thence with a south wind, which was against them ; but because it 
was little, and for the great desire they had to shorten their voyage, 
they put out to sea by the force of oars, and for all that made very 
little way, with great labor, in two days, and went under the lee of a 
small island into an arm of the sea, which compassed it about. 
While they were there, there fell out such weather, that they gave 
Grod many thanks that they found out such an harbor. There was 
great store of fish in that place, which they took with nets, which 
they had, and hooks. Here a man cast an hook and a line into the 
sea, and tied the end of it to his arm, and a fish caught it, and drew 
him into the water unto the neck ; and it pleased Grod that he re- 
membered himself of a knife that he had, and cut the line with it. 
There they abode fourteen days ; and at the end of them it pleased 
4od to send them fair weather, for which, with great devotion, they 
appointed a procession, and went in procession along the strand, be- 
seeching God to bring them to a land where they might serve him in 
better sort. 

In all the coast wheresoever they digged they found fresh water ; 
there they filled their vessels, and the procession being ended, em- 
barked themselves, and going always in sight of the shore they sailed 
six days. John Danusco said that it would do well to bear out to 
seaward ; for he had seen the sea-card, and remembered that from Rio 
de las Palmas forward, the coast did run from north to south, and 
thitherto they had run from east to west, and in his opinion, by his 
reckoning, Rio de las Palmas could not be far off from where they 



EXPEDITION OP HERNANDO DE SOTO. 215 

were. That same night they put to sea, and in the morning they saw 
palm leaves floating, and the coast which ran north and south. From 
midday forward they saw great mountains, which until then they had 
not seen ; for from this place to Puerto de Sjnritu Santo, where they 
first landed in Florida, was a very plain and low country; and there- 
fore it cannot be descried, unless a man comes very near it. By that 
which they saw, they thought they had overshot Rio de Palmas that 
night, which is sixty leagues from the river Panuco, which is in 
Nueva Espana. They assembled all together, and some said it 
was not good to sail by night, lest they should overshoot the river of 
Panuco ; and others said, it was not well to lose time while it was 
favorable, and that it could not be so near that they should pass it 
that night ; and they agreed to take away half the sails, and so sail 
all night. Two of the brigantines, which sailed that night with all 
their sails, by break of day had overshot the river of Panuco without 
seeing it. Of the five that came behind, the first that came unto it 
was that wherein Calderan was captain. A quarter of a league be- 
fore they came at it, and before they did see it, they saw the water 
muddy, and knew it to be fresh water ; and coming right against the 
river, they saw where it entered into the sea, that the water broke upon 
a shoal. And because there was no man there that knew it, they 
were in doubt whether they should go in, or go along; and they re- 
solved to go in; and before they came into the current, they went 
close to the shore, and entered into the port. And as soon as they 
were come in, they saw Indian men and women appareled like Span- 
iards, whom they asked in what country they were ? They answered 
in Spanish, that it was the river of Panuco, and that the town of 
the Christians was fifteen leagues up within the land. The joy that 
all of them received upon this news cannot sufficiently be expressed ; 
for it seemed unto them that at that instant they were born again. 
And many went on shore and kissed the ground, and kneeling on 
their knees, with lifting up their hands and eyes to Heaven, they all 
ceased not to give Glod thanks. Those which came after, as soon as 
they saw Calderan come to an anchor with his brigantine in the 
river, presently went thither, and came into the haven. The other 
two brigantines which had overshot the place, put to sea to return 
back to seek the rest, and could not do it, because the wind was con- 
trary and the sea grown; they were afraid of being east away, and 
recovering the shore they cast anchor. While they rode there a 
storm arose, and seeing that they could not abide there, much less 



216 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

endure at sea, they resolved to run on shore; and as the brigan tines 
were but small, so did they draw but little water; and where they 
were it was a sandy coast. By which occasion the force of their sails 
drove them on shore, without any hurt of them that were in them. 
As those that were in the port of Panuco at this time were in great 
joy; so these felt a double grief in their hearts, for they knew not 
what was become of their fellows, nor in what country they were, and 
feared it was a country of Indian enemies. They landed two leagues 
below the port ; and when they saw themselves out of the danger of 
the sea, every one took of that which he had, as much as he could carry 
on his back, and they traveled up into the country, and found Indians, 
which told them where their fellows were, and gave them good enter- 
tainment; wherewith their sadness was turned into joy, and they 
thanked God most humbly for their deliverance out of so many 
dangers. 

From the time that they put out of Rio Grande to the sea, at 
their departure from Florida, until they arrived in the river of Pa- 
nuco, was fifty-two days. They came into the river of Panuco the 
tenth of September, 1543. They went up the river with their brig- 
antines. They traveled four days ; and because the wind was but 
little, and many times it served them not because of the many turn- 
ings which the river maketh, and the great current drawing them up 
by towing, and that in many places ; for this cause they made very 
little way and with great labor; and seeing the execution of their de- 
sire to be deferred, which was to come among Christians, and to see 
the celebration of divine service, which so long time they had not 
seen, they left the brigantines with the mariners, and went by land 
to Panuco. All of them were appareled in deers' skins tanned and 
dyed black, to wit, coats, hose, and shoes. When they came to Pa- 
nuco, presently they went to the church to pray and give God thanks 
that so miraculously had saved them. The townsmen which before 
were advertised by the Indians, and knew of their arrival, carried 
some of them to their houses, and entertained them whom they knew 
and had acquaintance of, or because they were their countrymen. 
The Alcalde Mayor took the Governor home to his house : and com- 
manded all the rest, as soon as they came, to be lodged six and six 
and ten and ten, according to the ability of every townsman. And all 
of them were provided for by their hosts of many hens, and bread of 
maize, and fruits of the country, which are such as be in the Isle of 
Cidja, whereof before I have spoken. The town of Panuco may con- 
tain about seventy families; the most of their houses are of lime and 



EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO. 217 

stone, and some made of timber, and all of tliem are thatched. It is a 
poor country, and there is neither gold nor silver in it. The inhabitants 
live there in great abundance of victuals and servants. The richest 
have not above five hundred crowns rent a year, and that is in cotton 
cloths, hens, and maize, which the Indians their servants do give 
them for tribute. There arrived there of those that came out of 
Florida, three hundred and eleven ChristiaQS. Presently the Alcalde 
Mayor sent one of the townsmen in post to advertise the Viceroy, 
Don Antonio de Mendoca, which was resident in Mexico, that of. the 
people that went with Don Ferdinando de Soto to discover and con- 
quer Florida three hundred and eleven men were arrived there, that 
seeing that they were employed in his majesty's service he would take 
some order to provide for them. Whereat the Viceroy, and all the 
inhabitants of Ilexico wondered; for they thought they were mis- 
carried because they had traveled so far within the main land of Flo- 
rida, and had no news of them for so long a time : and it seemed a 
wonderful thing unto them, how they could save themselves so long 
among infidels, without any fort, wherein they might fortify them- 
selves, and without any other succor at all. Presently the Viceroy 
sent a warrant wherein he commanded, that whithersoever they sent 
they should give them victuals, and as many Indians for their car- 
riages as they needed : and where they would not furnish them, they 
might take those things that were necessary perforce without incur- 
ring any danger of law. This warrant was so readily obeyed that by 
the way before they came to the towns they came to receive them 
with hens and victuals. 

From Panuco to the great city of Temistitan, Mexico, is sixty 
leagues; and other sisty from Panuco to the port de Vera Cruz, where 
they take shipping for Spain, and those that come from Spain do 
land to go for Nueva Esp>ana. These three towns stand in a tri- 
angle : to wit, Vera Cruz to the south, Panuco to the north, and 
Mexico to the west sixty leagues asunder. The country is so inhabited 
with Indians that from town to town those which are farthest are but 
a league and half a league asunder. Some of them that came from 
Florida stayed a month in Panuco to rest themselves, others fifteen 
days, and every one as long as he listed : for there was none that showed 
a sour countenance to his guests, but rather gave them anything that 
they had, and seemed to be grieved when they took their leave. Which 
was to be believed ; for the victuals which the Indians do pay them 
for tribute, are more than they can spend : and in that town is no 
commerce ; and there dwelt but few Spaniards there, and they were 



218 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

glad of their company. The Alcalde Mayor divided all the Emperor's 
clothes which he had (which there they pay him for his tribute) 
among those that would come to receive them. Those which had 
shirts of mail left were glad men ; for they had a horse for one shirt 
of mail. Some horsed themselves; and such as could not (which 
were the greatest part) took their journey on foot : in which they 
were well received of the Indians that were in the towns, and better 
served than they could have been in their own houses, though they 
had been well to live. For if they asked one hen of an Indian, they 
brought them four : and if they asked any of the country fruit though 
it were a league off, they ran presently for it. And if any Christian 
found himself evil at ease, they carried him in a chair from one town 
to another. In whatsoever town they came, the cacique, by an In- 
dian which carried a rod of justice in his hand, whom they call Tapile, 
that is to say a sergeant, commanded them to provide victuals for 
them, and Indians to bear burdens of such things as they had, and 
such as were needful to carry them that were sick. The Viceroy sent 
a Portuguese twenty leagues from Mexico, with great store of sugar, 
raisins of the sun, conserves, and other things fit for sick folks, for 
such as had need of them : and had given order to clothe them all at 
the Emperor's charge. And their approach being known by the citi- 
zens of Mexico, they went out of the town to receive them : and with 
great courtesy, requesting them in favor to come to their houses, every 
one carried such as he met home with him, and clothed them every 
one the best they could : so that he that had the meanest apparel, it 
cost about thirty ducats. As many as were willing to come to the 
Viceroy's house he commanded to be appareled, and such as were per- 
sons of quality sate at his table : and there was a table in his house 
for as many of the meaner sort as would come to it : and he was pre- 
sently informed who every one was, to show him the courtesy that he 
deserved. Some .of the conquerors did set both gentlemen and clowns 
at their own table, and many times made the servant sit cheek by 
cheek by his master : and chiefly the ofl&cers and men of base condi- 
tion did so : for those which had better education did inquire who 
every one was, and made difference of persons : but all did what they 
could with a good will : and every one told them whom they had in 
their houses, that they should not trouble themselves, nor think them- 
selves the worse, to take that which they gave them : for they had 
been in the like case, and had been relieved of others, and that this 
was the custom of that country. God reward them all : and G od 
grant that those which it pleased him to deliver out of Florida, and 



EXPEDITION or HERNANDO DE SOTO. 219 

to bring again into Christendom^ may serve liim : and unto those that 
died in that country, and unto all that believe in Him and confess 
his holy faith, Grod for his mercy's sake grant the kingdom of heaven. 
Amen. 

From the Port de Spiritit Santo, where they landed when they 
entered into Florida, to the Province of Ocute, which may be 400 
leagueS; little more or less, is a very plain country, and has many 
lakes and thick woods, and in some places they are of wild pine-trees ; 
and is a weak soil. There is in it neither mountain nor hill. The 
country of Ocute is more fat and fruitful ; it has thinner woods, and 
very goodly meadows upon the rivers. From Ocute to GutifacMqui 
may be 130 leagues : 80 leagues thereof are desert, and have many 
groves of wild pine trees. Through the wilderness great rivers do 
pass. From GutifacMqui to Xuala, maybe 250 leagues: it is all an 
hilly country. GutifacMqui and Xuala stand both in plain ground, 
high, and have goodly meadows on the rivers. From thence forward 
to GMaha, Goca, and Talise, is plain ground, dry and fat, and very 
plentiful of maize. From Xuala to Tascaluca may be 250 leagues. 
From Tascaluca to Rio Grande, or the Grreat River, may be 300 
leagues : the country is low, and full of lakes. From Rio Grande 
forward, the country is higher and more champaign, and best peopled 
of all the land of Florida. And along this river from Aquixo to 
Pacalia, and Goligoa, are 150 leagues : the country is plain, and the 
woods thin, and in some places champaign, very fruitful and pleasant. 
From Goligoa to Autiamque are 250 leagues of hilly country. From 
Autiamque to Aguacay, may be 230 leagues of plain ground. From 
Aguacay to the river of Daycao 120 leagues, all hilly country. 

From the Port de Spiritu Santo unto Apalaclie, they traveled 
from east to west, and northwest. From GutifacMqui to Xuala from 
south to north. From Xuala to Goga from east to west. From 
Coca to Tascaluca, and to Rio Grande, as far as the provinces of 
Quizquiz and Aquixo, from east to west. From Aquixo to Pacalia to 
the north. From Pacalia to Tidla from east to west : from Tidla to 
Autiamque from north to south, to the province of Guaclioya and 
Daycao. 

The bread which they ate in all the land of Florida is of maize, which 
is like coarse millet. And this maize is common in all the islands^ 
and from the Antilles forward. There are also in Florida great store 
of walnuts, plums, mulberries, and grapes. They sow and gather 
their maize every one their several crop. The fruits are common to 
all, for they grow abroad in the open fields in great abundance, with- 



220 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

out any need of planting or dressing. Wliere there be mountains, 
there be chestnuts ; they are somewhat smaller than the chestnuts of 
Spain. From Rio Grande westward, the walnuts differ from those 
that grow more eastward ; for they are soft, and like unto acorns ; and 
those which grow from Rio Grande to Puerto del Spiritu Santo for 
the most part are hard ; and the trees and walnuts in show like those 
of Spain. There is a fruit through all the country which groweth 
on a plant like Ligoacan, which the Indians do plant. The fruit is 
like unto Peares Riall; it has a very good smell, and an excellent 
taste. There groweth another plant in the open field, which beareth a 
fruit like unto strawberries, close to the ground, which has a very good 
taste. The plums are of two kinds, red and gray, of the making and 
bigness of nuts, and have three or four stones in them. These are 
better than all the plums of Spain, and they make far better prunes 
of them. In the grapes there is only want of dressing ; for though 
they be big, they have a great kernel. All other fruits are very per- 
fect, and less hurtful than those of Spain. 

There are in Florida many bears and lions, wolves, dteer, dogs, 
cats, martens, and conies. There be many wild hens as big as turkeys, 
partridges small, like those of Africa, cranes, ducks, pigeons, thrushes, 
and sparrows. There are certain black birds bigger than sparrows, 
and lesser than stares. There are goshawks, falcons, gerfalcons, and 
all fowls of prey that are in Spiain. 

The Indians are well proportioned. Those of the plain countries 
are taller of body, and better shapen, than those of the mountains. 
Those of the inland have greater store of maize, and commodities of 
the country, than those that dwell upon the sea-coast. The country 
along the sea-coast is barren and poor, and the people more warlike. 
The coast runneth from Piierto del Spiritu Santo to ApalacJie, east 
and west ; and from AjyalacJie to Rio de las Palmas from east to west ; 
from Rio de las Palmas unto Nueva Espana from north to south. 
It is a gentle coast, but it hath many shoals, and great shelves of sand. 
' Deo gratias. 



A 

DESCEIPTION 

or THE 

ENGLISH PEOYINCE OF CAROLINA, 

BY THE SPANIARDS CALLED FLOEIDA, 

AND BY THE FRENCH 

LA LOUISIANE. 

AS ALSO OF THE GREAT AND FAMOUS RIVER 

MESCHACEBE OR MISSISSIPPI, 

THE FIVE 

VAST NAVIGABLE LAKES OF FRESH WATER, 

AND THE PARTS ADJACENT. 

TOGETHER WITH 

AN ACCOUNT OF THE COMMODITIES OF THE GROWTH AND PRODUCTION 
OF THE SAID PROVINCE. 

BY DANIEL COXE. 



A DESCRIPTION 

OF THE 

ENGLISH PROVINCE OP CAEQLANA, 

BY THE SPANIARDS CALLED FLORIDA, 
AND BY THE FRENCH 

LA LOUISIANE* 



Carolana and Carolina are two distinct thougli bordering pro- 
vinces, the east of Carolana joining to the west of Carolina. The 
former was granted by patent unto Sir Eobert Heath, in the begin- 
ning of the reign of King Charles I., which said Sir Robert was then 
Attorney-Greneral, and by him conveyed unto the Earl of Arundel, 
from whom it came by mean conveyances unto the present propri- 
etary. 

This province of Carolana is extended north and south from the 
river St. Mattheo, lying according to the patent in thirty-one degrees 
(though by later and more accurate observations, it is found to lie ex- 
actly in thirty degrees and ten minutes) unto the river Passo Magno, 
which is in thirty-six degrees of northern latitude ; and in longitude 
from the Western or Atlantic Ocean unto New Mexico, now in pos- 
session of the Spaniards, which is in a direct line above one thousand 
miles, and where not inhabited by them, unto the South Sea. It 
comprehends within its bounds, the greatest part of the province of 
Carolina, whose proprietors derive their claim and pretensions thereto, 

* This account of Louisiana has been very carefully drawn up from Memoirs 
and Journals kept by various persons sent into the Valley of the Mississippi, by 
D. Coxe. The expedition fitted out by him, consisting of two ships, commanded 
by Capt. Barr, M^ere the first to sail up the Mississippi. (1598.) 

\ 



224 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

by charters from King Charles II. about thirty years after the above- 
mentioned grant to Sir Robert Heath. 

The great River Meschacebe runs through the midst of this country, 
having a course almost directly north and south from its first fountains, 
in about fifty degress of north latitude, to its disemboguing into the 
middle of the Gulf of Mexico. The rivers that make this, which 
the Spaniards called Rio Grrande del Norte, proceed about one-half 
from the w^est, the other from the east, so that the whole country may 
be almost entirely visited by navigable rivers, without any falls or 
cataracts, which are usual in most of the northern rivers of America, 
and. in all rivers of long course, even in Carolina (though to this 
country contiguous), and thence northward to the great river of St. 
Lawrence or Canada, and other rivers northward innumerable. The 
excellent and convenient situation of this country for inland trade and 
navigation, and for trade with the Spaniards in New Mexico, the whole 
Gulf of Mexico, and the South Sea (which I shall hereafter demon- 
strate), will be greatly for the advantage, and not in the least to the 
prejudice of our home plantation trade, as will appear more evident 
by the description of this great River Meschacebe, and those rivers that 
enter into it, together with the vast navigable lakes of fresh water 
adjoining thereunto. 

We will for good reasons begin our description of it from its en- 
trance into the sea, ascending up unto its source; and from very good 
journals both by sea and land, give an account of the chief rivers that 
run into it from the east and west, as we find them in our ascent, to- 
gether with their course, length and bigness, the nature of the coun- 
tries, and the names of the nations through which they pass. 

The River Meschacebe is so called by the inhabitants of the north ; 
cebe being the name for a river, even as far as Hudson's Bay ; and 
mescha, great, which is the Great River ; and by the French, who 
learned it from them, corruptly, Mississippi; which name of Mescha- 
cebe it doth retain among the savages during half its course. After- 
wards some call it Chucagua, others Sassagoula, and Malabanchia, as 
it fares with the Danubius, which four hundred miles before it enters 
the Euxine Sea, is styled the Iser; and the like happens to all the 
rivers of long course in America, as Oronogue, the river of the Ama- 
zons, and Rio de la Plata. This river enters the Gulf of Mexico one - 
hundred and forty leagues from the north-west part of the peninsula 
of Florida, keeping along the coast in thirty degrees north latitude, 
and one hundred and twenty leagues from the most westerly part of 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 225 

the said gulf, in about twenty-nine degrees the same latitude ; and 
thence the coast extends S. and by W. to the river Panuco, which is 
under the tropic of Cancer in twenty-three and a half degrees, the 
utmost part inhabited by the Spaniards towards the N. and N. E. on 
the Gulf of Mexico. 

The province of Carolana, from the conjunction with the peninsula 
of Florida, for two hundred and fifty leagues, is situated about the 
thirtieth degree of north latitude, and seldom varies ten leagues 
north or south from the same ; excepting the entrance of the river 
Meschacebe, which I am now about to describe from the mouth unto 
its first fountains. 

The river Meschacebe empties itself into the Grulf of Mexico by 
seven channels, like the river Nile, of which Herodotus, the father of 
history, and who lived long in Egypt, affirms in his time three were 
always navigable, and the others only so during the inundations of 
the said river, which were made by art and labor, though our modern 
navigators allow only two; but our river hath seven navigable at all 
times; the three great ones by ships, the four smaller, two on each 
side (as appears by the chart), by boats and sloops, especially during 
the time of the waters rising, or the freshes, as they call them, which 
are always constant, and return in the spring, and sometimes happen 
in the summer upon the great rains, which is not frequent. 

The three great branches always navigable by shipping are situated 
about six miles distant from each other,, and unite all at one place 
with the main river, about twelve miles from their mouths. 

There is not above fourteen feet on the bar at low-water in neep- 
tides, excepting when the freshes come down in the spring or upon 
great rains; but when you are over the bar, which is not in many 
places above a ship's length broad, you enter immediately into deep 
water the least five fathom, which increases to ten fathom before you 
come to the main river. After that it deepens gradually to above thirty, 
and you have nowhere less than twenty fathoms for one hundred 
miles, and little less for one hundred leagues, and afterwards from 
ten to seventeen for one hundred leagues more : then from six to ten 
two hundred leagues further; thence to the great cataract or fall, 
which is sixteen hundred miles from its entrance into the sea, from 
three fathoms to six. Its breadth is generally during its great depth 
scarce a mile, but as it lessens in depth it increases in breadth, and 
is in most places of its course two miles broad, and where it makes 
islands (as it does very frequently), from the middle of its course two 
or three leagues. The banks in most places are no more than five or 
16 



226 HISTOKICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

six feet above the river, and ships may almost in all places lie by the 
side of the shore, there being generally from three to six fathoms, and 
deepens gradually as you approach the middle of the river, which has 
mostly a pretty strong current; but there are divers promontories, 
under which you may anchor, where there is good shelter from winds 
and curious eddy-tides. 

When you are ascended the river four or five leagues, it is bordered 
on each side with high trees of divers sorts, from half a mile to two 
miles deep into the country; very little underwoods; no trouble in 
traveling, besides what proceeds from the vines ramping upon the 
ground. Divers others surround and mount up the trees, almost unto 
their tops, which are seldom less than one hundred feet from their 
roots, and often thirty or forty feet more. When you come out of 
the agreeable shade, you see a most beautiful level country, only 
about six or eight miles distance; there are collins or gentle ascents, 
for the most part round or oval, crowned with stately trees, which 
looks more like a work of laborious consummate art than of mere na- 
ture; and this on both sides the river, so far as the acutest sight can 
reach ; in which meadows the wild bulls and kine, besides other 
beasts, graze, and in the heat of the day retire into these woods for 
shelter, where they chew the cud. 

There is no considerable river empties itself into the Meschacebe 
from the mouths until you come about twelve miles above the Bayo- 
gola and Mougolaches, two nations who dwell together on the west 
side thereof, two hundred miles from the sea; then on the east side 
there falls out of the Meschacebe a branch which after a course of 
one hundred and sixty miles empties itself into the N. E. end of the 
great Bay of Spirito ^anto. It is not above forty or fifty yards broad 
and two or three fathoms deep at its beginning, but soon enlarges in 
breadth and depth by the accession of divers rivers and rivulets, and 
is a most lovely river, making pleasant lakes, and passing, during its 
whole course, through a country exactly like that we have formerly 
described. It is navigable by the greatest boats, sloops, and small 
ships of English building ; and by large ones if built after the Dutch 
manner with flat bottoms. 

On the north side of one of the above-mentioned lakes, called by the 
French Lake Pontchartrain, they have erected a small fort, and store- 
houses, whither after unloading their large vessels at Isle aux Vais- 
seaux, or Ship's Island, they bring their goods in sloops or shallops, 
and from thence disperse them by their traders amongst their own 
settlements and the several nations of Indians inhabiting on and about 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 227 

the Mescliacebej and the rivers which enter it, both from the east 
and west. 

About fifty miles above the place where this river is dismissed from 
the Meschacebe, on the other side, viz., the west, enters the river of 
the Houmas (Red River), so named from a considerable nation who 
inhabit upon it in the country, six or eight miles from its mouth. 
This is a mighty river, deep and broad, and comes from the mountains 
of New Mexico ; its course is mostly N. W., and is navigable by large 
vessels above three hundred miles, and thence by large boats and 
sloops, almost unto its fountains. By this river, you may have com- 
munication with above forty nations who live upon it or its branches ; 
and also with the Spaniards of New Mexico, from whom its furthest 
heads are not above an easy day's journey. Upon this river and 
most of its branches are great herds of wild kine, which bear a fine 
wool, and abundance of horse, both wild and tame, of the Spanish 
breed, on which the Indians ride with almost as much skill as the 
Europeans, though their bridles, saddles and stirrups are somewhat 
different from ours, yet not the less commodious. 

Twelve leagues higher upon the river Meschacebe is the river of 
the Naches (Washita), which ten or twelve leagues above its mouth 
divides itself into two branches, and forms an island (Sicily) about 
thirty miles in circumference, very pleasant and fertile. The south 
branch is inhabited by the Corroas, the north by the Naches, both 
considerable nations, abounding in all necessaries for human life. 
Some leagues above the division is a pretty large lake (Tensas), where 
there is a great fishery for pearl, large and good, taken out of a shell- 
fish of a middle nature between an oyster and a muscle. 

About twelve or fourteen leagues higher on the same, that is, the west 
side, the Meschacebe makes a little gulf (Petit Gulf) about twenty 
miles long and three or four broad, upon which inhabit in many towns 
the populous and civilized nation of the Tahensa (Taensas), who also 
abound in pearls, and enjoy an excellent country; are very hospi- 
table to strangers, and though, as most Indian nations, at war 
with their neighbors, yet together with the three last mentioned, and 
those to be hereafter named, joyfully receive and kindly entertain all 
with whom they have not actual hostilities. 

Fourteen or fifteen leagues higher on the east side of the Meschacebe 
is the nation and river of Yasoue (Yazoo), which comes two or three 
hundred miles out of the country, on which dwell the nations in order 
mentioned after, the Yassouees, the Tounicas, Kourouas, Tihiou, 
Samboukia, and Epitoupa. 

Ten or twelve leagues higher on the west side is the river Natchi- 



228 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

tock (Arkansas), which has a course of many hundred miles; and 
after it is ascended about one hundred, there are many springs, pits, 
and lakes, which afford most excellent common salt in great plenty, 
wherewith they trade with neighboring nations for other commodities 
they want, and may be of great service to the European inhabitants 
of this country, to preserve flesh and fish for their own use, and ex- 
portation to natives, Spaniards, and our islands, to the great profit of 
them who have not stock to engage in greater and more beneficial un- 
dertakings. Upon this river inhabit not only the Natchitocks, Nagu- 
ateeres, Natsohocks, but higher several other nations. Sixteen 
leagues further upon the west side, enter the Meschaeebe two rivers, 
which unite about ten leagues above, and make an island called by 
the name of the Torimans, by whom it is inhabited. 

The southerly of these two rivers is that of the Ousoutiwy, upon 
which dwell first the Arkansas, a great nation, higher upon the same 
river the Kansae, Mintou, Erabacha and others. 

The river to the north is named Niska, upon which live part of the 
nation of the Ozages ; their great body inhabiting a large river which 
bears their name, and empties itself into the Yellow River, as will be 
hereafter mentioned : and upon this river near the mouth is the na- 
tion Tonginga, who with the Torimas are part of the Arkansas. 

Ten leagues higher is a small river named Cappa, and upon it a 
people of the same name, and another called Ouesperies, who fled, to 
avoid the persecution of the Irocois, from a river which still bears 
their name, to be mentioned hereafter. 

Ten miles higher on the same side of the Meschaeebe, is a little 
river named Matchicebe upon which dwell the nations Mitchigamia 
and Epiminguia; over against whom is the great nation of 'the Chi- 
cazas (Chickasaws), whose country extends above forty leagues to the 
river of the Cheraquees (Tennessee), which we shall describe when 
we come to discourse of the great river Hohio. 

Ten leagues higher, on the east side, is the river and nation of 
Chongue, with some others to the east of them. 

Fifteen leagues higher, on the west side, is the river and nation of 
Sypouria. 

Thirty leagues higher on the east side is the opening of a river 
that proceeds out of a lake twenty miles long, which is about ten 
miles from the Meschaeebe. Into this lake empty themselves four 
large rivers. The most northerly, which comes from the north-east, 
is called Ouabachicou or Ouabache, upon which dwelt the nations 



COXE'S (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 229 

Chachakingua, Pepepicokia, Pianguichia. The next south of this is 
the vast river Hohio (Ohio), which comes from the back of New York, 
Maryland, and Virginia, and is navigable 600 miles. Hohio in the 
Indian language signifies the fair river; and certainly it runs from its 
heads through the most beautiful fertile countries in the universe, 
and is formed by the confluence of ten or twelve rivers, and innume- 
rable rivulets. A town settled upon this lake, or the entrance of the 
river Hohio thereinto, would have communication with a most lovely 
fruitful country 600 miles square. Formerly, divers nations dwelt on 
this river, as the Chawanoes (Shawanees), a mighty and very popu- 
lous people, who had above fifty towns, and many other nations, who 
were totally destroyed or driven out of their country by the Irocois, 
this river being their usual road when they make war upon the na- 
tions who lie to the south or to the west. 

South of the Hohio is another river, which about thirty leagues 
above the lake is divided into two branches ; the northerly is called 
Ouespere, the southerly the Black River ; there are very few people 
upon either, they having been destroyed or driven away by the afore- 
mentioned Irocois. The 'heads of this river proceed from the west 
side of the vast ridge of mountains, which run on the back of Caro- 
lina, Virginia, and Maryland; on whose opposite or east side are the 
sources of the great river Potomack, which by a mouth of some leagues 
broad, disgorges itself into the middle of the Bay of Chesepeack, and 
separates the two last-mentioned provinces from each other. The 
mountains aiford a short passage or communication between those two 
rivers, which the Indians are well acquainted with, and by which, in 
conjunction with the French of the Meschacebe, they may in time in- 
sult and harass those colonies. 

The most southerly of the above said four rivers, which enter into 
the lake, is a river some call Kasqui, so named from a nation inhabit- 
ing a little above its mouth; others call it the Cusates, or the river of 
the Cheraquees (Tennessee), a mighty nation, among whom it hath 
its chief fountains; it comes from the south-east, and its heads are 
among the mountains, which separate this country from Carolina, and 
is the great road of the traders from thence to the Meschacebe, and 
intermediate places. Above 200 miles up this river to the south- 
east is the great and powerful nation of the Chicazas, good friends to 
the English, whose dominions extend thence to the Meschacebe. Be- 
fore you come at them is a small fall or cataract, the only one I have 
yet heard of in any of the rivers that enter the Meschacebe, either 



230 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

from the east or from the west. Thirty or forty leagues above the 
Chicazas, this river forms four delicate islands, which have each a na- 
tion inhabiting them, viz., Tahogale, Kakigue, Cochali, and Tali. 
Sixty leagues above the island and nation of the Tali inhabits the 
aforementioned nation of the Cheraques (Cherokees), who have at 
least sixty towns, some of which are not above sixty miles from Caro- 
lina. They have great friendship with the English of that province, 
who from thence carry on a free trade with and are always very kindly 
entertained by them. 

Fifteen leagues above the Hohio, or the river coming out of the 
lake aforementioned, to the west, is the river Honabanou, upon which 
dwells a nation of the same name, and another called Amicoa ; and 
ten leagues above that is the great island of the Tamaroas, and over 
against it, on the east side, a nation which goes by its name, and 
another by that of Cahokia, who dwell on the banks of the river 
Chepusso. 

Fifteen leagues above which to the west is the Great Yellow 
(Missouri*) River, so named because it is yellowish, and so muddy that 
though the Meschacebe is very clear where they meet, and so many 
great rivers of crystaline water below mix with the Meschacebe, yet 
it discolors them all even unto the sea. When you are up this river 
sixty or seventy miles, you meet with two branches. The lesser, 
though large, proceeds from the south, and most of the rivers that 
compose it fall from the mountains, which separate this country from 
New Mexico ; notwithstanding which, there is a very easy communi- 
cation between them. This is called the river of the Ozages, from a 
numerous people, who have sixteen or eighteen towns seated thereupon, 
especially near its mixing with the Yellow River. The other, which is 
the main branch, comes from the north-west, most of whose branches 
descend likewise from the mountains of New Mexico, and divers other 
large provinces which are to the north of New Mexico, wholly pos- 
sessed by Indians, who are said to be very numerous, and well policed. 
They are all at war with the Spaniards, from whom they have defended 
their countries above 150 years, and have rather recovered than lost 
ground. They are likewise at war, as generally the Indians are, 
amongst themselves. The most northerly branches of this river are 
interwoven with other branches, which have a contrary course, pro- 
ceeding to the west, and empty themselves into a vast lake, whose 
waters by means of another great river (Columbia) disembogues into 

' The first explorer of this river and the St. Peter's was La Hontan. 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 231 

the South Sea. The Indians affirm they see great ships sailing in 
that lake, twenty times bigger than their canoes. The Yellow is 
called the river of the Massorites, from a great nation inhabiting 
in many towns near its junction with the river of the Ozages. There 
are many other nations upon the same, little inferior to them in ex- 
tent of territories or number of towns, as the Panimahas, Paneassas, 
Panas, Panelogas, Matotantes, few of them having less than twenty 
towns, scarce any of which count less than 200 cabins. 

Forty miles above the Yellow River, on the east side, is the river 
Chicagou, or the river of the Alinouecks, corruptly by the French 
called Illinois, which nation lived upon and about this river, having 
above sixty towns, and formerly consisted of 20,000 fighting men, but 
are now almost totally destroyed by the Irocois, or driven beyond the 
Meschacebe westward. This is a large pleasant river; and about 250 
miles above its entrance into the Meschacebe, it is divided into two 
branches ; the lesser comes from north and by east, and its head is 
within four or five miles of the great lake of the Alinouecks (Michigan) 
on its west side ; the other comes almost directly from the east, and 
proceeds from a morass within two miles of the river Miamiha, which 
empties itself into the same lake. On the south-east side, there is an 
easy communication between these two rivers, by a land carriage of 
two leagues, about fifty miles to the south-east of the forementioned 
lake. The course of this river from its head exceeds 400 miles, navi- 
gable above half way by ships, and most of the rest by sloops and large 
boats or barges. Many small rivers run into it, and it forms two or 
three lakes ; but one mightily extolled, called Pimiteouiii (Peoria), 
which is twenty miles long and three miles broad; it affords great 
quantities of good fish, and the country round about it abounds with 
game, both fowls and beasts. Besides the Illinoueck are the nations 
Perouaria (Peoria), the great nation Cascasquia and Caracantanon ; and 
on the northern branch inhabit part of the nation of the Mascontens. 

On the south-east bank of this river, Monsieur de la Sale erected 
a fort in the year 1680, which he named Creve-cceur, from the grief 
which seized him on the loss of one of his chief trading barks richly 
laden, and the mutiny and villainous intrigues of some of his company, 
who first attempted to poison and afterwards desert him. This fort 
stands about half way between the bay of Mexico and Canada, and 
was formerly the usual route of the French in going to or returning 
from either of those places ; but since, they have discovered a nearer 
and easier passage by the Ouabache and Ohio, the sources of both 



232 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

which rivers are at a small distance from the Lake Erie, or some 
rivers which empty into it. 

Forty leagues higher on the west side is a fair river, which our peo- 
ple were at the mouth of, hut could not learn its name. I suppose 
it's the same the French call Moingona. Some make it to proceed from 
the Mitchayowa or long river, as may be discerned in the annexed 
map ; but as all our journals are silent in that matter, so shall I, till 
some more perfect discoveries thereof afford us further light and cer- 
tainty therein. 

When you are ascended about forty leagues more, then on the 
east side falls into the Meschacebe the river Misconsing. This is 
much of the same nature with that of the Alinouecks, whether you 
consider its breadth, depth and course, as also the pleasantness, and 
fertility of the country adjacent unto all its branches. After you 
have rowed or sailed up it sixty miles, joins with it the river of the 
Kikapouz, which is also navigable, and comes a great way from the 
north-east. Eighty miles further, almost directly east, there is a 
ready communication, by a carriage of two leagues, with the river of 
Miscouaqui, which hath a quite contrary course, running to the 
north-east, and empties itself, after a passage of 150 miles from the 
land carriage, into the great bay of the Pouteouotamis, or the Puans, 
which joins, on the north-west, with the great lake of the Alinouecks. 
This river and bay I shall have occasion to mention when I come to 
describe the vast lakes or seas of fresh water which are to the east 
of the Meschacebe. 

Forty leagues higher, on the same side, is the fair large river 
Mitchaoywa, which is the same the Baron le Hontan calls the long 
river, and gives a very particular description thereof, having navi- 
o-ated it almost to its heads. It has a course of above five hundred 
miles, and the southern rivers, of which it is composed, are near the 
northern heads of the river of the Messourites, both taking their 
original from the mountains which divide this country from that 
which leads to the South Sea. Several rivers proceed from the other 
side of the mountains, which are easily passed in less than one day, 
and fall into the same lake above mentioned, which discharges itself 
by a great river into the aforesaid sea. As you ascend this river from 
the Meschacebe, you meet with the nations Eokoros, Essanape, 
Grnasitaries, who have each many towns, and very populous. And 
the said Baron acquaints us, from very good information, that beyond 
these hills are two or three mighty nations, under potent kings, 
abundantly more civilized, numerous, and warlike than their neigh- 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 233 

bors; differing greatly in customs, buildings, and government from 
all the other natives of this northern continent ; that they are clothed, 
and build houses and ships like Europeans, having many of great; 
bigness, in length 120 or 130 feet, and carry from 200 to 300 men, 
which navigate the great lake, and it is thought the adjacent parts of 
the ocean. And Herrera, Gomora, and some other Spanish his- 
toriographers assert that the Spaniards saw upon that coast such 
ships, which they apprehended came from Japan or China. 

A little higher up is the river Chabadeda, above which the Mes- 
chacebe makes a fine lake, twenty miles long and eight or ten broad. 

Nine or ten miles above that lake, on the east side, is a large fair 
river, called the river of Tortoises, after you have entered a little 
way, which leads far into the country to the north-east, and is naviga- 
ble by the greatest boats forty miles. About the same distance 
further up, the Meschacebe is precipitated from the rocks about fifty 
feet, but is so far navigable by considerable ships, as also beyond, 
excepting another fall, eighty or ninety miles higher, by large ves- 
sels, unto its sources, which are in the country of the Sieus, not at 
a very great distance from Hudson's Bay. There are many other 
smaller rivers which fall into the Meschacebe, on both sides of it, 
but being of little note, and the description of them of small conse- 
quence, I have passed over them in silence. 

I now proceed to describe that part of this province which is to 
the east of the Meschacebe ; the rivers which pass through it having 
no communication therewith. From the Peninsula of Florida, where 
this country begins, to the south-east, there are only two large rivers: 
the first, that of Palache, the true Indian name, by the Spaniards 
called the river of Spirito Santo, or of Apalache, adding an A, after 
the Arabian manner, from which a great part of their language is 
derived; as in the provinces of Nilco, Minoia, they pronounce Anilco, 
Amifwia, and so in divers others. This river enters the Grulf of 
Mexico about 100 miles from the Cod of the Bay of Palache, at the 
north-west end of the Peninsula of Florida, in thirty degrees of north 
latitude, and some few minutes. It is somewhat hard to find, by 
reason of the isles and lagunes before it; and though a stately river, 
and comes far out of the country, hath not above two fathoms and 
a half or three fathoms water at most on the bar, as the people sent 
on discovery found; but that being passed, it is very deep and large; 
and the tide flows higher than into any river upon all the coast, some 
affirm fifty miles, which is no wonder, the country being a perfect 
level, and the river having a double current ; one from the souths all 



234 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

along tlie peninsula, from twenty-five degrees to thirty. The other 
from the west. Near it, on both sides towards the sea-coast, dwell 
divers nations, Palachees, Chattoes, Sulluggoes, Tommakees, &c. ; 
who are generally called by one name of Apalatchy Indians. This 
river proceeds chiefly from rivers which have their origin on the south 
or south-west side of the great ridge of hills that divides this country 
from Carolina, and is supposed to have a course of about 400 miles. 
Upon or near the middle of it live the great nations of the Cusshetaes, 
Tallibousies and Adgebaches. 

To the west of this is the famous Coza (a branch of the Mobile), 
or, as ours call it, the Coussa Kiver, and the French Mobile, the big- 
gest, next unto Meschacebe and Hohio, of any in this or the neighbor- 
ing provinces. Its first heads are likewise from the aforesaid Pala- 
chean Mountains — the most northerly being at Guaxula town and 
province, near the foot of the mountain. Many rivulets uniting, after 
a course of eighty miles, form a river bigger than the Thames at 
Kingston, making several delicous isles, some three or four miles 
long, and half a mile broad; the country is wonderfully pleasant and 
fertile. The first considerable town or province is Chiaha, famous for 
its pearl fishing, there being thereabouts, in the river and little lakes 
it makes, a sort of shell-fish, the ancients named pinna, between a 
muscle and oyster; concerning which I have discoursed in the ac- 
count of the produces or commodities of this country. From thence 
the river grows larger and deeper, by accession of others from the 
mountains, and from the West, until it enters the province of Coza, 
or Coussa, which is reckoned one of the most pleasant and fruitful 
parts of this country, and very populous. Through this, Ferdinando 
Soto passed, and resided therein a considerable time; and all the 
Spanish writers of this famous expedition extol them above any 
other nation for extent of territory, the pleasantness, healthfulness, 
fruitfulness thereof, and the good disposition of the inhabitants. The 
faithful and judicious Portuguese unknown author of that expedition, 
in a few words thus describes this province : — 

" It consists of hills and valleys between. Their granaries were 
full of Indian corn, and other edibles ; so populous that their towns 
and fields, sowed with corn, touched each other ; the country is very 
agreeable, by reason of many rivulets, which make lovely meadows. 
There grow, naturally in the fields, prunes, better than we can in 
Spain produce by culture, even in our gardens. Vines mount, in 
almost all places near the rivers, to the tops of the trees. There are 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 235 

divers other sorts of vines which are low, and some run upon the 
ground, and by cultivating might be wonderfully improved, though 
very good and pleasant as they are in their natural state." 

Below these, on the same river, are the Ullibalies, or as some, the 
Olibahalies, and according to the French the Allibamons. And be- 
low them the Tallises, who dwell upon a fair river which enters that 
of Coza from the east, thence to the once great province of Tasculuza 
(Tuscaloosa), almost destroyed by Ferdinando Soto; but the chief 
city Mauvilla, which the English call Maubela, and the French Mo- 
bile, is yet in being, though far short of its former grandeur. About 
one hundred miles from hence, it enters the Gulf of Mexico, being 
first increased, as by many small rivers and rivulets, so by the fair 
river of the Chattas, which is made by a collection of several other 
little streams and rivei'S, and which at length form a fine river, that 
would seem considerable, if it were not obscured by the great river in 
which it is lost. This mighty nation of the Chattas (Choctaws), 
consisting of near three thousand fighting men, live chiefly about the 
middle of the river, and is not far from the Chicazas, whom I men- 
tioned to inhabit thirty or forty towns, in the description of the Cas- 
qui or Cusates river, and speak the same language. And to the east, 
between them and the Cozas, are the Becaes or Abecaes, who have 
thirteen towns, and dwell upon divers small rivers, which run into 
the Coussa. It is a very pleasant country, like that of the Coza, full 
of hills and valleys ; their ground is generally more marly, or fatter 
than many other provinces, which are mostly of a lighter mould. 
And a little more to the south-west, between the Becaes and Chattas, 
dwell in divers towns, being five hundred fighting men, the Ewemales, 
upon a fair river of their name, which coming from the east, mixes 
with the Coussa. This mighty river enters the Grulf of Mexico, 
about fifteen leagues to the west of the great Bay of Nassau or Spirito 
Santo, or from the N. E. cape of Mirtle Isle, which is the South 
Land, between which and the continent to the north is the entrance 
of that vast inlet. The river runs into a kind of a lagune or bay, 
which is barred four miles from the mouth of the river, supposed to 
be occasioned, as the Meschacebe, in long process »of time, by the silt 
or sediment of the water, this being almost as muddy, coming, for 
the most part, through a rich clay or marl ; so that at the bar, when it 
is low water (and it flows little there excepting the south wind drive 
in a great sea), there is not above fourteen or fifteen feet ; but the 
mouth being some miles broad, and our people not having leisure to 



236 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

examine nicely, perhaps there may be found deeper places upon other 
parts of the bar ; but so soon as you are over it, there is a most noble 
harbor, very large, from four to six fathoms deep. Near the mouth of 
this river the French have lately made a new settlement, called Fort 
Louis, which is the usual residence of the Chief Grovernor of Louisi- 
ana, who is nevertheless subordinate to him of Canada. In this fort 
are some companies of soldiers, and from thence detachments are 
sent to secure the several stations they have amongst the Indians in 
the inland parts. 

As the Ullibalys or AUibamons, Chicazas, and Chattas (Choetaws), 
are the most populous and potent nations upon and between this river 
and the Meschacebe, the English for several years resided peaceably 
amongst, carried on a considerable trade with, and were as friends 
kindly entertained by them, till about the year 1715, by the intrigues 
and practices of the French, they were either murdered, or obliged to 
retire, and make room for those new intruders, who have since unjustly 
possessed and fortified the very same stations, in order to keep the 
natives in awe and subjection, and to cut off the communication of the 
English traders with the Indians thereabouts, and as far as and beyond 
the Meschacebe; whereby they have secured to themselves an exten- 
sive and profitable trade of above 500 miles, which the subjects of 
Great Britain were a few years ago the sole masters of. 

Besides the French settlement above mentioned on the continent, 
they have another small town and fort in the isle Dauphine, formerly 
called Slaughter Island, from a great number of men's bones found 
there on its first discovery, the remains, as is said, of a bloody battle 
fought between two nations of Indians. This island lies about nine 
leagues south of Fort Louis, and fourteen leagues west of Pensacola. 
It is inhabited and fortified only on account of its harbor, it being the 
first place the French shipping usually touch at in their voyage from 
France. The distance between this river and that of Palache or 
Spirito Santo to the east is about 190 miles. The coast between 
them is very deep and bold, contrary to all former maps ; for those 
sent upon discovery sounded several times every day, and found it so, 
as by the journals will appear. 

Between those two great rivers are divers harbors ; the chief, and 
indeed the best, upon all the coast of the Gulf of Mexico is Pensicola, 
a large harbor, and very safe from all winds ; has four fathoms at the 
entrance, and deepens gradually to seven or eight. To the east of the 
harbor enters a fine river, which comes about 100 miles out of the 
country, and is made of two rivers, which unite some miles above. 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 237 

This harbor or bay lies ninety leagues west from the upper part of the 
peninsula of Florida. On the larboard or west side of the harbor 
stands a poor town, containing about forty Palmetto houses, with a 
small stockadoed fort of twelve or fourteen guns, but of little moment; 
because all their soldiers, and the majority of the inhabitants, are 
forc'adoes, or forced people, having been malefactors in some parts of 
Mexico, therefore are confined in that place for a number of years, 
according to the nature of their crimes. In short, they are not unlike 
our felons, which are transported from the jails in England to the plan- 
tations. The French, in the year 1719, took this fort with small loss 
from the Spaniard, who, in a few months, retook it again. The first 
of these made themselves masters thereof a second time, but whether 
they have deserted it, or keep it still in their possession, I know not. 

If the French secure this port and harbor, which is not above four- 
teen leagues east of their chief settlement at Mobile, they may with 
ease, at all seasons, infest, with large men of war and privateers, the 
navigation of the English and Spaniards in the Bay of Mexico, by 
lying in wait for and intercepting their fleets and private ships, trading 
to and from Panuco, Vera Cruz, Campeche, Porto Bello, Jamaica, and 
the Havana. 

Thirty leagues to the east is Apalatchy-Cola, which is also a good 
harbor, and west of Apalatchy River thirty leagues. 

The Bay of Nassau or Spirito Santo is made by four islands, which 
run almost due south, a little inclining to the west. The most 
northerly, between which and the main is the entrance of the bay, being 
eight leagues long, our people called Mirtle Island, from the great 
quantity of that tree or shrub which grows there, where digging they 
found excellent good water very plentifully. This island in some 
places is very narrow. Whether it be the same the French call Isle 
aux Vaisseaux, or Ship's Island, I can't tell ; but its situation, distance 
from isle Dauphine, or Slaughter Island, and its commodiousness for 
sheltering ships from the wind, creates a probability of its being so. 
The bay is fifteen miles broad, from Mirtle Island to a row of islands 
which run parallel with the main, and another bay or lagune between 
them, within which they did not go. These islands stretch south- 
ward fifty or sixty miles, as far as one of the smaller mouths of the 
Meschacebe ; and doubtless there must be very good harbors, being 
defended from the sea and winds by a double row of islands, and having 
probably good depths. Our people visited only the most northerly, 
which they named Hose Island, a most fragrant smell coming from it 
■ three leagues off, which exceeded all perfumes; it is about sixteen 



238 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

miles long, aud two leagues or more from the northern or western 
main. Between this and Mirtle Island, the depths of water were four, 
five, six, five, four fathoms. Rose Island is a brave island, and full of 
wood. They found it somewhat difficult to go down the bay between 
the islands, meeting with some shoals, where they had not much above 
two fathoms water. They turned round Mirtle Island into the main 
sea, and coasted the east side, which is very bold. Over against Mirtle 
Island to the north, about five leagues distance, on the main land, is 
a high point of woods, where is the entrance of Little Meschacebe, or 
the East Branch, which I mentioned in my description of the great 
river. And about fifteen leagues to the north-east of this branch of 
the Meschacebe is the Bay of Bilocohy (Biloxi), which is, within, a 
fair harbor, with a small river falling into or near it, called Passagoula, 
bordering on which and the aforesaid bay is a fine country, but on 
the bar there is not above seven or eight feet water. It was on 
the continent, lying, I think, on the easterly part of this bay, that 
Monsieur d' Iberville, in the beginning of the year 1700, built a small 
sconce, and left therein about forty men, well provided with neces- 
saries. He afterwards returned twice to France for further reinforce- 
ments, but on his third voyage back to Bilocohi (Biloxi) he died. The 
French being about that time hotly engaged in a war with the English 
and their confederates in Europe, this and another small settlement 
they had thereabouts were deserted, for want of timely and necessary 
supplies. 

Our ship passed on the east side of Mirtle Island, which is twenty -four 
miles long, and three other islands, there being openings between, a mile 
or two over. The fourth and last island is the broadest and highest, 
and a good mark to find the Meschacebe. These islands lie altogether 
in a direct line south and by west, east and by north, at least fifty miles, 
and have all along, two leagues ofi", from five to nine fathom water. 
When you come to the Fourth Isle you must be cautious, the sound- 
ing being uncertain ; for some points of sand stretch out into the sea 
three leagues, and varies the depths from nine fathoms to four, then 
eight, nine, all at once. Between this island and the main is a passage 
two leagues broad, which leads into the great bay from which they 
came. The length of the bay from north to south is one entire de- 
gree. They went divers leagues up it, and found deep water ; but 
afterwards it shoaling, they came down south, and doubled the cape, 
where the most easterly of the three great branches of the Mescha- 
cebe entered the sea, which, with the two others to the west, I de- 
scribed before, when I gave an account of the mouths of that river. 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 239 

Although the latitude and longitude of the mouth of the Mescha- 
cebe were perfectly known, yet it is almost impossible, in the common 
way of sailing, to come at them; for if you go never so little to the 
south, you will be driven by a very strong current to the south-west, 
two miles an hour, till you come to the bottom or west end of the 
Grulf of Mexico ; to prevent which you must make the main of Flo- 
rida in about thirty degrees of latitude. The land is so very low you 
can scarcely see it, at four leagues distance, where there is forty-five 
and fifty fathom, but ten leagues off, there is no ground at one hun- 
dred fathom. Pensacola is the most convenient place to fall in withal; 
and to be sure of that, your best way is to make the Tortuga Islands, 
which are seven, and but few leagues distance to the north-west from 
the Cape of Florida, and the little islands which lie before it, called 
Los Martyres. The Tortuga Islands lie between the latitude of twen- 
ty-four degrees and from thirty-five to fifty minutes. They are not 
in a round, as commonly represented by the charts, but bear almost 
north and south. If you come there in the month of April, May, or 
the beginning of June, you will find great numbers of turtle, which 
are then in good plight, extraordinary good food, both fresh and 
salted, and a wholesome change of diet for seamen; afterwards they 
will not well take salt, decaying and running into a jelly or water, 
and before July is expired quite leave the islands until the next year. 
The course from the Tortuga Islands to Pensacola is N. 44 W. distance 
one hundred and fifty-eight leagues, the shore bold, bearing east and 
west. Nine leagues from the land you will have thirty-three fathoms 
water, but if you make the river of the Cozas or Goussas, which is one 
hundred and sixty-seven leagues, and a very rernarkable place, being 
a spacious large opening, having a small sandy isle in the middle, you 
will find the land stretch east and west, and within about eighteen 
leagues you will fall in with Mirtle Island, which, with the Main, 
makes the entrance into the great Bay of Spirito Santo; in which 
isle, as I said before, is very good fresh water. This with five or six 
other low isles, run a range fourteen leagues, and S. W. from them, 
about five leagues, are high woods : stand over for the south part of 
these woods, until you come to four fathoms, there cast your anchor, 
and send your boat to a low point along the shore to the southward. 
In five foot water you will find a small branch of the river ; row up it ; 
the current will carry you to the bar, where you may take your marks 
for the entrance into it. Perhaps sometimes the waters may be so 
low that you cannot pass this channel. In case this should happen 



240 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

(wticli I suppose it seldom or never does), then run by the soundings 
of the shore, in five or six feet water, and keep that depth till you 
come to the pitch of the East Cape, where you will find the easterly 
branch in fourteen or fifteen feet water : then row up, take your 
marks, return, and place two buoys, and you may carry your ship into 
the river very safely, as you may perceive by the draught. The 
same or like caution must be used for entering into either of the other 
mouths, to keep near the shore, and by anchoring stop the tide of 
ebb. There is a bay, which our men in the ship called Salt- Water 
Bay ; they who went to the head of it, Fresb-Water Bay ; a seeming 
contradiction, but thus easily reconciled. This bay lies between the 
east and middle great branch of the river : the great branches bring 
down so considerable a quantity of water, at the ebb, with a strong 
current, that then the fresh water enters the sea two or three leagues, 
and between them the sea enters this bay, not mixing with the waters 
of the rivers, which are ten miles distant ; so that ships who anchor 
at the lower end of the bay find the water salt. But there is a creek, 
at the N. W. end of the bay, which comes out of the middle branch, 
and a little before it enters the bay is divided. This creek hath from 
eight feet at the shallowest to nine, ten and eleven feet water, by 
which they entered, out of Salt- Water Bay, into the river. 

Having made a faithful narrative, from good journals and itinera- 
ries by sea and land, of the great river Meschacebe, the rivers increasing 
it, the countries adjacent, and inhabitants thereof, as also of the coun- 
tries, people, rivers and harbors towards the east belonging unto this 
province, which do not communicate with it, I shall give a brief rela- 
tion of what I have learned concerning the sea and coast thereof 
beyond the Meschacebe, to the west, the rivers belonging to this pro- 
vince, their heads and courses, which enter not the Meschacebe. 

When you are passed the third or westerly branch of the Meschacebe, 
there presents itself a fair bay going to the north, into which empty 
themselves two of the smaller branches of the great river, as may be 
discerned in the chart. This bay is between twenty and thirty miles 
deep, and very bold to the east, having from the entrance unto the 
bottom, from twenty-five to six fathom ; but is not in those depths 
above seven or eight miles broad, a sand running from the main thirty 
miles south into the sea, upon which there is not above three fathoms, 
which yet our ship passed, going and returning. At the north-east 
end of the bay, the great river runs parallel with it for some miles, 
from a mile to a mile and a half distance from it, and two fair, large 
deep creeks enter it, almost in the middle, out of the westerly great 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 241 

brancli of tte river. Having passed tliis shoal to the maiu^ the land 
runs almost due east and west, having a bold coast, for a hundred 
miles until you come to a great shoal, where there is not above two 
or three fathoms water, with several breakers. Our people sailed on 
the south side of this great shoal, always out of the sight of land, 
therefore knew not the breadth. They kept near the latitude of 29 
degrees, the depth genei-ally as follows, seven, eight, nine, eight, seven, 
six fathoms. At length they came to the bottom of the bay or gulf, 
from whence they returned unto the westerly branch of the Mescha- 
cebe. 

From the river Meschacebe unto the bottom of the bay, are innu- 
merable fine small rivers, very pleasant. Great store of buffaloes or 
wild kine frequent them to the very sea-side, as also deer of divers 
sorts, wild turkeys, and many other large water and sea-fowl ; the coast 
abounds with good fish ; but I cannot learn there are above four very 
large rivers, and of long course. 

The first and greatest is that of the Quonoatinnos, or of the Coenis, 
a great and populous nation, who dwell in forty or fifty villages upon 
the middle of this river, and others which run into it. They are 
about five days' journey distant from the habitations of the Spaniards, 
and near 200 miles from the sea, into which the river empties itself, 
about eighty leagues to the west of the Meschacebe ; it is broad, 
deep, and navigable almost to its heads, which chiefly proceed from 
the ridge of hills that separate this province from New Mexico. And 
its north-west branches approach near the south-west branches of the 
river of the Houmas. There dwell upon it, more towards its mouth, 
divers others nations, whose names are unknown, excepting the 
Tarahas, Tycappans, Paloguessens and Palonnas. All these nations 
have good horses. 

About thirty leagues further to the south of the west is the river 
of the Kirononas, who with divers other nations dwelt thereupon. It 
is little less than that of the Konoatinnos, and as that hath its sources 
in the mountains of New Mexico, the course of this is likewise from 
the north-west, until it enters the sea. 

Between this and the aforesaid river of Quonoatinnos or Coenis 
lies the Bay of St. Bernard, called by Monsieur de la Salle the Bay 
of St. Louis, and a river that falls into it he named the River of 
Vaches. In the year 1685 he built there a fort (after he had pur- 
posely, as it is said, overshot the mouth of the river Meschacebe), 
having formed a design from thence to visit the mines of St. Barbe 
in New Biscay, which were not much above 300 miles distant. But 
17 



242 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

one of his vessels returning to France, and the other three being lost 
■with great part of his stores, ammunition and provisions, withal fail- 
ing in his attempt to engage the Indians in his party and interest, 
who, instead of friends, proved his mortal enemies, continually skulk- 
ing about his infant settlement and destroying many of his people, 
he was obliged to desist from that enterprise. He afterwards with 
twenty chosen men went by land in search of the river Mesehacebe, 
in which attempt he lost his life, being barbarously murdered by some 
of his own followers. This fort was soon after taken and destroyed 
by the Spaniards and Indians, all the French remaining therein being 
either killed or made prisoners. 

About the same distance further S. W. is the river of the Bisca- 
terongs, which is of the same magnitude with the former, hath the 
same course from the north-west to the sea, and its heads from the 
same mountains. 

The last river of note is a river of much the same bigness with the 
two preceding, and enters the Bay of Mexico at the north-west end, 
between the degrees of 27 and 28; it is named Abotas. 

It may not be amiss to mention another river, which, although it 
may not be within the bounds of this colony, may be of great use, 
when it is well established, by reason of the conveniency of traffic 
with the Spaniards, it being near the aforesaid famous mines of New 
Biscay, a large province lying between Mexico and New Mexico. 
This stately river hath its fountains in the most northerly parts of 
New Mexico, in the latitude of 38 degrees, and being gradually in- 
creased by the conflux of many small waters, becomes large and 
navigable, till it approaches the 30th degree; then it turns to the S. 
E. and enters a parcel of high mountains; from whence it is no fur- 
ther navigable; it is called by the Spaniards Rio Bravo. They differ 
in their accounts hereof; some affirming it is here swallowed up in a 
hideous gulf, and passes three days' journey under the earth, like 
their great river Guadiana in Spain, of which their famous ambassador 
Gundamore said, when asked whether his master could show such a 
bridge as that over the Thames at London, that he had a bridge upon 
which many hundred thousand sheep daily fed. Others write that 
the river doth not dive underground, but passes among rocks full of 
straight passages, with many cataracts; that after it has broke its way 
through, it glides very placidly cross a level country for a hundred 
and fifty miles, being both large and deep, and at length empties 
itself into a broad and long lagune, which is navigable, with two or 
three passages into it, between the islands that form it, and whose 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 243 

entrances are at least between tliree and four fatliom deep. I have a 
journal of Capt. Parker, wto in the year 1688 was there with two 
ships : one very large, in search of a Spanish wreck, but will not 
trouble my reader with the relation of what there happened to them. 
All accounts agree this country is well watered, that it abounds with 
vast quantities of wild kine, the Spaniards call Cibolas, and is fruit- 
ful, pleasant and populous. 

I think it not inexpedient to give an account of the great seas or 
lakes of fresh water which are to the north of this country, on the 
east side of the Meschacebe, which though not in the bounds of this 
province, may prove very beneficial, both to the inhabitants of this and 
our colonies of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, who 
are not very remote from some of them, and may have an easy access 
thereunto, and consequently by navigation with those that are more 
remote, they having all communications with each other, as may be 
presently discerned by the map. 

The seas or lakes are five. First, the superior lake before mentioned, 
it being of all most northerly, and is called by most of the savages 
the Lake of the Nadouessons (Superior), the greatest and most valiant 
nation of the north, divided into several tribes, who go by divers 
names. This lake is esteemed at least 150 leagues in length, sixty 
leagues in breadth, and 500 in circumference. The south side, 
which we reckon its length, is all along situated in very near forty- 
eight degrees of latitude from the east end to the west. The north 
side where it is broadest, is in about fifty-one degrees. It is all over 
navigable, hath some isles; but one especially called Minong, above 
sixty miles in compass, wherein, both Indians and French affirm, is a 
great mine of very pure copper, which from the ore affords, without 
any preparation besides melting, above three-fifths fine metal. It is 
very remarkable of this sea, that on all the south side upon the shore, 
it is not above four or five fathoms deep, and gradually increasing as 
you pass over to the north, until you cannot find bottom with 150 
fathoms of line. It is most wonderfully stored with admirable fish, 
and the land about it with deer and elk, or moose, especially the north 
side. With this latter and some islands, the French drive a consider- 
able trade among the natives, for skins and furs; and of late years 
have intercepted a great part of the more remote Indians, who used 
formerly to traffick with the English in Hudson's Bay, at Port Nel- 
son ^nd New Severn. This lake or sea is made up of innumerable 
small rivers and rivulets, and three large rivers, all on the north side 
of the lake, entering at the N. E. end thereof, whose names are Lemi- 



244 HISTOEICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

pissaki, Micliipiketon and Nemipigon, which last proceeds out of a 
lake of the same name, full of islands; at the upper end whereof enters 
a river, which comes from the north, and hath its origin from divers 
small lakes and marshes. The lake of Nemipigon is above 200 miles in 
compass. The Baron le Hontan is certainly mistaken about the 
original of this river, and makes it vastly bigger than it is; he accounts 
it the head of the great river of Canada or St. Lawrence, and to come 
out of the lake of the Assenipouvals ; but I have been informed by 
a person who lived two years in those parts, and had often been 
upon these two lakes, that the lake of the Assinepoualaos (for that 
is the true name), which is considerable to the N. W., and, as the 
Indians often assured, was the biggest lake in all this northern con- 
tinent, had no communication with that of Nemipigon. The N. W. 
of this Lake Superior or of the Nadeuessons, is not above thirty 
leagues in a straight line from the Lake of Nemipigon ; but the com- 
munication by land is difl&cult, by reason the earth abounds with bogs 
and marshes. 

The great or superior lake empties itself into that of Karegnondi 
or the deep lake, it being in most parts more profound than the three 
we shall hereafter mention. Formerly it was called the lake Houn- 
ondate, from a great nation who inhabited on its east side, named from 
their bristly hair on their head, Hourons, since totally destroyed or 
dispersed into very remote parts by the L'ocois. 

This lake is much of the figure of an equilateral triangle, whose 
basis is to the north. It abounds with divers sorts of excellent fish, 
great and small, especially a large fish named Assihendo, of the big- 
ness of Newfoundland cod. This fish is the manna of most of the 
nations which inhabit about the lake, being half their subsistence. 
And Europeans of all nations, who have eaten thereof, agree that 
there is not in seas or rivers a better tasted, more wholesome fish, 
and the numbers are such as of cod on the Bank of New Foundland, 
and never to be lessened. Besides these, there is abundance of good 
sturgeons, salmon or salmon trout, weighing from twenty to fifty 
pounds, large carps, and many other kinds of fish, small and great, 
not inferior to any in Europe. The inhabitants almost round this 
lake are mostly destroyed by the Irocois (Iroquois), except a small 
remnant of two or three nations, who have, with the help of the 
French, erected a strong fort near another built by that nation for a 
refuge to their allies and traders, when the Irocois happen to invade 
this or the adjacent parts. This lake hath many islands, especially 
on the north side, where the greatest fishery is for the Assihendo, but 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 245 

none at Maintoualin, whicli is twenty leagues long and ten broad, 
lying directly over against the continent, from which it is only six or 
seven leagues distant. 

The north side of the country bordering upon this lake, is not so 
pleasant in most places as the south, east, and west; but to make 
amends, it abounds with all sorts of skins and furs, and hath these 
great conveniences, that by the river of the Nepiserini, there is a 
communication with all the French of Canada, and many nations bor- 
dering thereupon ; for ascending this river, you enter into a lai'ge lake 
of the same name, which is made by divers small, and one large 
river coming far from the north-west. Near this lake passes the 
great river of the Outouacks (Ottoes), once a great nation, but now 
almost extirpated by the aforesaid Trocois, which, after a course of one 
hundred leagues, brings you to the Island and city of Montreal, the 
next for bigness and strength to Quebec, the capital of Canada, and 
there joins with the great river of St. Lawrence; from the juncture 
of these two rivers to Quebec is sixty leagues. Both sides of the 
river are inhabited all the way in plantations very little remote from 
each other; besides two or three small towns and fortifications. Such 
another communication there is, though much more easy, of which I 
shall discourse at large when I come to describe the lovely peninsula 
of Erie. 

Towards the lower end of the south-west continent is the large and 
fstir bay of Sakinam, which is about fifty miles deep and eighteen 
wide, and in the middle of the opening are two isles, very advan- 
tageously situated for sheltering boats or other vessels that happen to 
be surprised with a storm, there being no other harbor within divers 
leagues. Into the bottom of this bay empties itself, after a course of 
sixty leagues, a very still, quiet stream, excepting three small falls, 
passed easily and without the least danger. On this river, and the 
branches thereof, is one of the greatest beaver-huntings in America. 
Twenty leagues from this bay to the south-east, this lake, which is 
above four hundred leagues in circumference, empties itself into the 
Lake Erie, by a channel which I shall describe, when I have given an 
account of the lake of the Illinouecks, which is to the west of Ka- 
regnondi, and communicates therewith, towards the N. W. end, by a 
strait, nine or ten miles long and three or four broad. The breadth 
of it on the north coast is forty leagues, but it increases gradually in 
breadth till you come to the bottom of the bay. The north side is 
in the latitude of forty-six and thirty minutes; the south in almost 
forty-three degrees. Forty leagues from the entrance due west, it 



246 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

makes the great bay of the Poutouatamis, a nation who inhabit a 
large country upon and to the south of this bay, which is eight 
leagues broad, and thirty leagues deep, south and by west, the entrance 
being full of islands. And into the bottom comes the fair Eiver Mis- 
couaqui, after a course of two hundred miles. This river is remark- 
able upon divers accounts : first, when you are ascended it fifty leagues, 
there is a carriage of a little above a league and a half; afterwards 
you meet with the lovely River Mesconsing, which carries j'ou down 
into the Meschacebe, as I before declared. Next upon this river, es- 
pecially near the carriage, is a country famous for beaver-hunting like 
that of Sakinam. You must know that most parts of North America 
have beavers; you shall scarce meet with a lake where there are not 
some of their dams and huts. But these two places I have mention- 
ed, and others I shall speak of hereafter, are countries forty or fifty 
miles long, abounding with small rivers and rivulets, wherewith they 
make their dams or causeways; and consequently small lakes, seated 
opportunely for wood to build, and produces plentifully such plants 
and young trees, upon which they mostly subsist. This is chiefly 
possessed by the industrious and valiant nation of the Outogamis. 
Thirdly, this river and others entering thereinto abound in that corn 
called malomin, which grows in the water and marshy wet places, as 
rice in the Indies, Turkey, and Carolina, &c. But much more like 
our oats, only longer, bigger and better, than either that, or Indian 
corn, and is the chief food of many nations hereabouts and elsewhere. 
The nations who dwell on this river are Outogamis, Malominis, 
Nikic, Oualeanicou, Sacky, and the Poutouatamis before mentioned. 

On the east side of this lake, about twenty leagues from the strait 
by which it enters Karegnondi, is a bay called Bear Bay, and a river 
of the same name, because of great numbers of those animals who 
haunt those parts. This river comes out of a ridge of hills near a 
hundred leagues long, beginning almost at the north end of this 
peninsula, out of which flow abundance of small rivers ; those whose 
course is to the east empty themselves into the lake Karegnondi 
(Huron), those to the west into that of the Alinouecks. The 
top of this ridge of hills is flat, from whence there is a delicious pros- 
pect into both lakes, and level as a tarasse walk. There is a great 
beaver-hunting, like those I formerly mentioned, upon Bear Piiver, 
which hath a course of forty or fifty leagues. On the west side of 
the lake, before you come to the bottom, is a harbor capable of small 
ships; and there enters into it a small river, which at two leagues 



COXE'S (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 247 

distance approaches the River Chicagou, the north branch of the river 
of the Allinouecks, which is from the main branch of the said river 
fifty miles. Near the bottom of the bay, on the east side, is the fair 
river of the Miamihas (so called because upon it lives part of a nation 
bearing the same name), which in its passage comes within two leagues 
of the great easterly branch of the river of the Allinouecks, and its 
springs are very near the heads of some rivers which enter the Oua- 
bachi. Monsieur de la Salle on his first arrival in this river, which 
was about the year 1679, finding it admirably well situated for trade, 
and the country surrounding it extremely pleasant and fertile, artfully 
gained the permission of the natives to build a fort therein, under the 
specious pretence of protecting them from the insults of the English 
and Irocois, whom he represented as cruel and treacherous enemies, 
continually plotting the destruction of them and all the Indians 
round about. In this fort was formerly a great magazine and store- 
house for all sorts of European goods, and hither the traders and sa- 
vages continually resorted to purchase them. It commanded the 
entrance into the lake, and kept all the neighboring Indians in awe 
and subjection. Nations to the west of this lake, besides the before- 
mentioned, are part of the Outogamis, Mascoutens and Kikpouz; 
then the Ainoves, the Cascaschia, and a little to the south-west of the 
bottom of this lake, and more to the north, the Anthontans, and part 
of the Mascoutens, near the river Misconsing (Wisconsin). The 
countries surrounding this lake, especially towards the south, are very 
charming to the eye, the meadows, fruit trees and forests, together 
with the fowls, wild beasts, &c., affording most things necessary for 
the support and comfort of life, besides Indian corn, with which the 
natives abound; and European fruits, grains, and all other useful 
vegetables, by reason of the goodness of the soil, and mildness of the 
climate, would certainly thrive there, as well as in their native 
countries. But, above all, the south parts of the countries bordering 
on this lake seem naturally disposed to produce admirable vines, which 
being duly cultivated, excellent wines might be made of the fruits 
thereof, they growing naturally in vast numbers of divers sorts, some 
ramping up to the tops of the highest trees; others running upon 
the ground. The grapes are some very small, others wonderfully 
large, big as damsons, and many of a middle size, of divers colors and 
tastes. They are all good to eat, only some, which otherwise promise 
very well, have great stones or kernels and tough skins, which certain- 
ly would be remedied by due culture. But of the worst, doubtless, 



248 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

good brandy might be made, were there artists and convenient vessels 
for pressing, fermenting and distilling. 

There ramble about in great herds, especially about the bottom of 
this lake, infinite quantities of wild kiue, some hundreds usually 
together, which is a great part of the subsistence of the savages, who 
live upon them while the season of hunting lasts ; for at those times 
they leave their towns quite empty. They have a way of preserving 
their flesh without salt six or eight months, which both looks and 
eats so fresh, strangers apprehend the cattle had not been killed one 
week. Besides, they use the hair, or rather wool, cut off their hides, 
for garments and beds, and spin it into yarn, of which they make 
great bags, wherein they put the flesh they kill, after they have cured 
it, to bring it home to their houses ; for their huntings are from the 
latter end of autumn, when the cattle are fat, to the beginning of the 
spring; and of the hides dressed they make shoes d la savage. 

But it's time we should return to the Lake Karegnondi (Huron), 
which empties itself into the Lake Erie, by a channel thirty leagues 
long, and where narrowest a league broad ; in the middle whereof is 
a small lake, called by the Indians Otseka, ten leagues long, and seven 
or eight over, being of an oval figure. In this lake and channel are 
divers small islands, exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, in which, and 
all the country, on both sides of them, are great quantities of beasts 
and fowl, as deer of several kinds, wild turkeys, pheasants, and a 
large excellent fowl, which they call dindo's. The Lake Erie is 
about a hundred leagues long, and almost equally forty broad. Eight 
leagues from its mouth are eight or ten islands, most of them small; 
one in the middle is five or six miles in circumference, and all very 
agreeable. Near the mouth on the west side is a large harbor for 
ships, defended from most winds, made like our downs by a great 
bank of sand ; though winds seldom infest this lake, in respect of the 
others, where sometimes they rage as in the main ocean, so that it 
may be deservedly called the Pacific Lake. And if we may give 
credit to the relation of the English who have long frequented it, and 
unanimously agree herein, there is not a more pleasant lake or coun- 
try surrounding it in the universe. It is not indeed so deep as the 
others, yet is in all places navigable by the greatest ships, there being 
seldom less than ten or twelve fathom water. The land round about 
it is perfectly level, abounding with trees, both for timber and fruit; 
so happily placed that one would be apt to apprehend it to be a work 
of great art, and contrived to declare the grandeur and magnificence 
of some mighty emperor, and not of nature. Abundance of small 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 249 

petty rivers discliarge themselves thereinto, amongst which are four 
very considerable and remarkable. One about ten leagues from the 
entrance of the canal, in the bottom of the west end of the lake, that 
hath a course of sixty leagues, and its head very near the river of the 
Miamihas, which runs into the S. E. side of the Lake of the Illi- 
nouecks, by means whereof there is a short and easy communication 
therewith, which by water is above six hundred miles. 

Fifty miles further to the south, at the same west end of this lake^, 
is another river much of the same bigness and length ; and about and 
between these two rivers, every year in the season, are multitudes of 
the wild kine called Cibolas. 

At the S. B. end of the lake there is a third river, which has its 
rise very near the great Susquehanna river, which waters part of 
Pennsylvania, and afterwards empties itself into the north end of the 
Bay of Chesapeake in Maryland. And twenty leagues south-westerly 
is another fair river which comes near fifty leagues out of the country ; 
from whose head, which issues from a lake, is but a short cut to the 
Eiver Ohio, from whence to a branch of the aforesaid Susquehanna 
E,iver is about one league. 

By these two last-mentioned rivers, the English may have a ready 
and easy communication with this and consequently with all the other 
lakes. If the French should ever settle thereon, which for above 
twenty years they have endeavored, but have been, in great measure, 
wonderfully frustrated by the Irocois, our subjects or allies, they 
might greatly molest, by themselves and their Indians, the colonies of 
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia; which, I hope, by 
the wisdom and care of his majesty and ministry, will be speedily 
prevented. 

At the north-east end of this lake is another canal forty miles long,, 
and in most places a league broad, called by the natives Niagara, 
having a delicate, level, beautiful, fertile country on each side of it; 
but being passed about two-thirds of the way, it is straitened by 
mighty rocks, and precipitates itself several hundred feet, being the 
greatest cataract that hath ever yet come to our knowledge, in the 
whole world. This lying within five or six days' journey of Albany 
and Schenecteda (two remarkable towns and fortifications of New 
York), and adjacent unto our confederates or subjects the Five Nations, 
(by the French called Irocois), especially the Sonnontovans (by some 
named Senecas), the most populous of the five, I have received an ac- 
count from divers persons, who have with great attention and curi- 



250 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

osity viewed it, suiting very vrell with the description Hennepin gives 
thereof, who had been there several times. The noise of such a mul- 
titude of waters falling from so great a height is so extraordinary, 
that although the country is very pleasant, level, and fruitful below 
the fall, yet the Sonnontovans were not able to bear it, but were 
forced to remove, and settle two leagues lower. I have had it from 
very credible people that, when the wind sets due south, they have 
heard it distinctly above thirty miles. The river, as may be easily 
imagined, below this cataract, is very rapid for the space of three or 
four miles ; then for six or eight is more placid and navigable, until it 
enters the Lake Ontario, which is eighty leagues long, and in the middle 
twenty-five or thirty broad, being of an oval figure. The name of 
this lake in the Irocois language, that nation bordering upon it to 
the south, signifies the pleasant or beautiful lake, as it may be deserv- 
edly styled J the country round it being very champaign, fertile, and 
every two or three miles watered with fine rivulets. It has on the 
south side three fair rivers ; that next the fall coming out of the 
country of the Sonnontovans, the middle one from the Onontages, and 
its origin from a lake within a league of their capital town, Onontague, 
made up with many little rivers and rivulets, being forty miles in 
circumference, abounding with fish of divers sorts with some salt- 
springs entering into it. After the river hath passed a mile from the 
lake, it receives another coming from the west, out of the province of 
the Onioiens or Oiongouens, who are neighbors of the Sonnontovans, 
in whose country the head of this river springs. About ten miles 
lower it is increased by a fair deep river, which comes from the east, 
out of the country of the Oneiouks (Oneidas), one of the five nations, 
situated between the Onontages (Onondagas) and the Mohachs (Mo- 
hawks), who dwell in three towns on a fair river, which runs, after a 
course of one hundred miles, into Hudson's River near Albany. The 
river of the Onontagues enters the Lake Ontario fifty miles from the 
little lake whence it derives its origin. 

Twenty leagues to the east is another river, somewhat less, but 
navigable by sloops and large boats a considerable way into the 
country. 

About the same distance, likewise to the east, the lake forms a 
great river, which the French call the river of the Irocois, but the 
natives Kanadari, which for the space of sixty miles is very broad, 
full of fine islands, and runs quietly; then is interrupted in its 
course by divers falls successively, some very deep and long, for above 
a hundred miles, until it meets with the great river of the Outouacks 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 251 

at the end of the island and city of Montreal, and together with that 
makes the river of Canada or St. Lawrence, so named by the French 
because discovered on the day dedicated to his memorial. 

The north part of the Lake Ontario was formerly possessed by two 
tribes of the L'ocois, who were, in time of perfect peace, without the 
least provocation, but only to get their country destroyed, enslaved, 
or sent to France, and put into the galleys ; of which you may read 
at large in the journals of the Baron la Hontan, an impartial and 
judicious author, who saw and relates that tragedy with much indigna- 
tion. 

The nation of the Irocois, as they are called by the French, for 
what reason I could never learn, who inhabit the south part of the 
country, are styled by the English the Five Nations, being so many 
distinct in name and habitations from each other ; but leagued by a 
most strict confederacy, like the Cantons of Switzerland, which they 
frequently in a very solemn manner renew, especially since the French 
grew powerful in their neighborhood. They have always been an 
excellent and useful barrier between us and them, being ready, on all 
occasions, upon the most slender invitations and the least assistance, 
to molest and invade them, unto whom they are the most irreconcilable 
enemies, and I think upon good grounds; although the French say 
the hardest things imaginable against them ; but I believe unto 
any impartial judges, they will appear more blameable themselves. 
The original of this enmity proceeded from the French, who about 
one hundred years since settled at the place, now their capital, called 
Quebeck. The L-ocois knowing of the little French habitation (where 
were not above forty men), came according to their usual manner, 
being about 200 of their prime youth, under an esteemed captain, to 
war against the Algonquins, then a very populous nation; and to 
show their contempt of them, made a fort on the south side of the 
river, before they who dwelt on the north side could gather into a 
body, their habitations or villages being somewhat remote from each 
other. But having drawn their forces together in great numbers, they 
attacked the L-ocois, who always valiantly repulsed them, with great 
losses to their enemies and little unto themselves. Whereupon the 
Algonquins had recourse unto the French, desiring they would assist 
them with their thunder and lightning-darting engines. They readily 
complied, and did such esecution with their guns (which being alto- 
gether new and very surprising, or rather astonishing), that the Irocois 
were discomfited, not above two or three escaping to give an account 
thereof to their own countrymen, who by tradition have propagated 



252 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

the story to posterity ; which inay, in some measure, excuse the irre- 
concilable enmity this nation hath conceived against the French, 
between whom there have been formerly almost constant wars, accom- 
panied with various events — the French with their allies endeavor- 
ing to extirpate them, who have hitherto bravely defended themselves; 
the English for their furs supplying them with ammunition, and 
during time of war with the French powerfully assisting them. They 
have been a very useful barrier, and without their help New York, 
and probably other neighboring provinces, had long since been pos- 
sessed by the French, having been very slenderly aided from England. 
The French in all their writings concerning Canada make many 
tragical relations of and exclamations against the barbarous cruelties 
of this nation exercised upon them, and the Indians their allies; but 
seldom tell us that the very same things are practiced by themselves 
and their Indians against the Irocois, and often during time of peace. 
For when the Irocois or Five Nations, as we call them, were aban- 
doned by order of King Charles II. towards the latter end of his reign 
and during the whole reign of King James, and obnoxious unto the 
resentments of the French (the English being strictly forbidden 
any ways to assist them), they were under a necessity of making 
a very disadvantageous peace, which how perfidiously it was broken 
may be seen at large in that faithful and judicious history of the 
Baron la Hontan. And had it not been for the revolution in England, 
the Irocois had been totally destroyed or subjected unto the French, 
which, as I hinted before in the preface, would have been of dreadful 
consequence to divers of our English colonies on the continent. ^Tis 
true, the Irocois (Iroquois) have extirpated or subjected sevei-al nations 
of Indians round about them, but it hath been either because they 
were in confederacy with their enemies, destroyed their country, mur- 
dered their people, hindered them in their beaver-hunting (without 
which they could not subsist), or furnished their enemies with furs, 
which occasioned the increasing the numbers of the French from 
France, and consequently threatened them with utter ruin, when 
Canada shall be more populated from Europe ; so that certainly the 
measures they take for their own preservation and security are more 
innocent and excusable than those have been by the French, forty 
years last past, exercised in Europe, whose wars have, according to a 
modest calculation, occasioned the death of above two millions of their 
own country people, and other Europeans, and most unjustly invaded 
or grievously oppressed their neighbors ; desire of increasing their 
wealth, enlarging their territories, or advancing the glory of their 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 253 

great monarch being the chief causes, though some other slender and 
easily confuted pretences have sometimes been alleged. 

But to return unto the Irocois, whom we call subjects of the crown 
of England, they only style themselves brethren, friends, allies, being 
a people highly tenacious of their liberty, and very impatient of the 
least encroachments thereon. These five cantons or nations have sold, 
given, and, in a very formal public manner, made over and conveyed 
to the English divers large countries conquered from the Indians, 
upon the south side of the great lakes, as far as the Meschacebe, and 
the ncble, beautiful, fertile peninsula situated between the three mid- 
dle lakes, that of Hurons to the west, Ontario to the east, and Erie 
to the south; a country almost as large as England, without Wales, 
admirably seated for traffick, pleasant, healthful and fertile as any 
part of North America ; and the territory to the south is of the same 
nature, and confines with the borders of our province of Carolana, 
which extends to all the north side of the Gulf of Mexico. 

It will be one great conveniency of this country, if ever it comes 
to be settled, that there is an easy communication therewith and 
the South Sea, which lies between America and China, and that two 
ways — by the north branch of the great Yellow River, by the natives 
called the River of the Massorites (Missouri), which hath a course 
of 500 miles, navigable to its heads or springs, and which proceeds 
from a ridge of hills somewhat north of New Mexico, passable by 
horse, foot, or wagon in less than half a day. On the other side are 
rivers which run into a great lake, that empties itself by another 
great navigable river into the South Sea.* The same may be said of 
the river Meschaouay, up which our people have been, but not so far 
as the Baron le Hontan, who passed on it above 300 miles almost 
due west, and declares it comes from the same ridge of hills above 
mentioned ; and that divers rivers from the other side soon make a 
large river, which enters into a vast lake, on which inhabit two or 
three great nations, much more populous and civilized than other 
Indians ; and out of that lake a great river disembogues into the South 
Sea, which- is doubtless the same with that before mentioned, the 
heads of the two rivers being little distant from each other. 

About twelve or fourteen years since, I had imparted unto me a 
journal from a gentleman admirably well skilled in geography, who 

* The Lewis and Yellow Stone Rivers head together within some miles of 
each other, a fact however not proven for more than a century after this account 
was written. 



254 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

had made divers voyages from England to all our English planta- 
tions in America, and visited most parts of the Grulf of Mexico, where 
he became acquainted with one Captain Coxton, a famous privateer, 
who was towards the latter end of the reign of King Charles II. enter- 
tained in his majesty's service. But whether he was disobliged, or 
that his genius prompted him to follow his old trade, having with his 
co-partners fitted up a ship of twenty-six guns, he sailed to the South 
Sea, with a design to take the ship which comes annually from the 
Manillias, or Philippine Islands, in the East Indies, to Acapulco, the 
chief port of Mexico ; which ship, as he had been well informed, 
usually made that part of the continent that lies between Japan and 
America, at a famous port in forty-two degrees. But when he came 
to the head of the Islands or Peninsula of California (it being too 
soon by some months for the putting in execution his intended design), 
romaging the coast, he discovered a great river in about forty-four 
degrees north latitude, which entered a great lake, near the mouth 
whereof he found a very convenient island, where he staid two or three 
months to refit himself, happening to have a man on board who under- 
stood the language of the country. The natives finding he was 
engaged in an expedition against the Spaniards, treated him very 
kindly, supplied him very cheerfully with whatsoever he wanted, and 
he contracted great friendship with them. He calls them the nation 
of Thoya. The Spaniards, as I find in divers of their expeditions, 
call at Thoyago, sometimes Tejago. They are often at war with 
the Spaniards, who have been always repulsed by them. They bring 
thirty or forty thousand men in one body into the field. These and 
two other nations neighboring, and not much inferior unto them, are 
accounted the most sensible and civilized Indians in America. 

When the season came fit for their expedition, they sailed west and 
by south, and happened to stop upon some occasion at an island called 
Earinda or Carinda ; there were five in all near each other, like the 
Canary Islands, but lay rounder, and were one with another about 
fifty or sixty miles in compass. The inhabitants were not shy of 
them, but supplied them with provisions, and brought them gold to 
barter for such commodities of ours as they liked, and in three or 
four days they purchased eighty-six pounds weight of that metal. The 
natives told them they were sorry they had no more, they taking care 
to provide only against a certain time of the year, for persons who 
came from the sun-setting at a particular season, and bartered divers 
commodities with them for gold. These traders or merchants must 
certainly be inhabitants of Japan, which I gather from a large relation 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 255 

in the history of that island, published by the Dutch, and translated 
into our tongue, and makes the sixth volume of Ogleby's Collections. 
They therein declare that they sent from Batayia two ships (as they 
pretended), to discover a passage from the north-east part of Japan, 
round Tartary to Europe; though it is very probable they had other 
views. These ships were separated a little east of Japan by a storm ; 
the Castrilome proceeded, and found the strait entering into the 
Gulf of Tartary or Jesso, and searched the coast on the west side 
to forty-nine degrees ; the other ship, the Blef kins, having suffered 
much by the storm, put into the port of Namboe, near the N. E. end 
of Japan, not doubting they should be kindly received, being in 
league, and having a free trade with that empire; but while they 
were refitting, they were unexpectedly surprised by the Japanese, 
sent to court, and very strictly examined, whither they had not 
been at, or went not to discover the Grold Islands (as they called 
them), to the east, of which traiBck the emperor is so jealous that it 
is capital for any to go thither except by his permission, or to declare 
to others the distance and situation thereof; and had not the Dutch 
given uncontrollable evidence that they had not been, nor were they 
going thither, but only upon the forementioned discovery, they had 
been all executed. 

There are upon the coast between America and Japan divers very 
large and safe harbors, and a very good climate, the coast stretching 
south-west, mostly from forty to degrees of north latitude. 

These seas abound with fish, and the land with fowl and venison. 
The inhabitants are sociable and hospitable. I have a draught and 
journals of all the coast from America, with those of divers harbors, 
until you are within about one hundred leagues of the Strait of Uries, 
which the Dutch discovered about sixty or seventy years since, and 
which is the entrance of the sea or gulf of Tartary, lying one hun- 
dred and twenty leagues north-east from Namboe, the most northerly 
haven and promontory of Japan. This strait, or rather these straits 
(there being two made by a long island), are the inlets into a great 
sea or bay, into which disembogues a vast river, on the west side of 
it, between forty-nine and fifty degrees of north latitude, navigable 
many hundred miles by the biggest ships, and is made by the conflux 
of divers great rivers, some of which come from the south-west, as 
Chingola, Hilum, Ola, Sungoro, and their fountains, near the great 
wall of China, and run through the dominions of the Eastern Tartars, 
who are now masters of China. Other rivers from the north-west, 



256 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

proceed from the territories of the Czar of Muscovy, who hath built 
divers large and well fortified cities on the main river of Yamour, and 
several of its branches, as Negovim, Nepehou, Albazin, Argun, Nert- 
zinskoy, &c. 

This river of Yamour or Amura hath a course from its furthest 
fountains above twelve hundred miles, without any interruption by 
cataracts, so frequent in all the other great rivers in Muscovy, as the 
Oby, Jenisseg or Jenisca, &c. By this river you may trade with the 
inhabitants of Jedso for furs, who have great store, and those very 
rich. They inhabit all the coast on both sides of the mouth of the 
river, and a considerable way up it. You may likewise trafl&ck with the 
Muscovites for the same commodities, who sell them there for a fourth 
part of what they yield in Muscow or Archangel ; these parts being 
above four thousand miles almost due east from Muscow, their capital 
city, a most prodigious, tedious and difficult journey, as appears by 
divers large and accurate journals, which have been many years pub- 
lished in print. And by means of the rivers which come from the 
south-west, you may correspond with the Eastern Tartars, Chinese, 
and the great rich kingdom of Tanguth, all now united under one 
and the same emperor, being very civilized nations, and kind to 
strangers. To say nothing of the great and rich peninsula of Corea, 
which is contiguous to one or two branches of this river, was once a 
province of China, hath the same manners and language, and is now 
tributary to the present emperor. This river and its branches are in 
a good clime, it never varying above two or three degrees from a due 
easterly course. Three or more ships may be sent every year, who 
may part at the straits of the Tartarian gulf or sea ; one for Yedzo 
and the river; another for Japan; and a third for North China to the 
great city Tunxo, the port of Pekin, the capital of that kingdom, from 
which it is not above one day's journey by land or water. And there 
is not a better commodity, or of which more profit may be made, 
than of the furs, which are so easily procured, and so soon brought 
into that imperial city, where, in the court and amongst the grandees, 
there is a prodigious consumption of them, and most extravagant 
prices given for them, especially those of the better sort, though 
even the meanest come to an extraordinary good market. 

Thus, after a thorough search and discovery both by sea and land, 
have I given the reader a topographical description of a country, the 
timely possession and due improvement whereof by the English may 
be more beneficial to them than all the other colonies they are at 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 257 

present possessed of; besides that they will thereby secure forever all 
the rest of our plantations upon the continent of America, which if 
this country be by them neglected, and suffered to remain in the 
hands of any ambitious, politic and powerful prince or potentate, may 
be distressed, conquered, or utterly exterminated. 

In a new colony, the first care is to provide food for their subsist- 
ence. The Great Duke of Rohan, famous for wisdom and valor, who 
hath written so many celebrated treatises, especially relating to mili- 
tary affairs and politics, advances it as a maxim, that he who will be 
a great warrior must, in the first place, make provision for the belly; 
and, in the late war with the French, our seasonable and plentiful 
supplies of the soldiers hath not a little contributed to our wonderful 
successes, and both strengthened and animated our troops to perform 
snch acts of valor as will be celebrated in future ages. The Spaniards 
tell a pretty, and I think instructive story; that upon the discovery 
of the immense riches contained in the mountain Potosi, in Peru, two 
Spaniards resorted thither. The one bought slaves, hired servants, 
overseers, and found a rich vein of silver ore. The other (land being 
then common in the neighborhood) fed sheep. The mine master 
wanting wool for the clothing of his servants (that place being much 
colder than others in the same latitude), and food for his overseers 
(who could not be satisfied, being Spaniards, with the poor fare of the 
Indians and negroes), bought flesh and wool of the shepherd; and, 
after some few years, the shepherd grew rich and the master-miner 
poor. If the Spaniards had further improved this notion, the English, 
Dutch, and French had not exchanged so many of their manufactures 
for gold and silver ; so that they are the richest and poorest nation 
in the southern part of Europe. 

And even our own nation hath not totally escaped this misfortune ; 
for how many have I known that carried competent estates to North 
America, neglecting tillage and breeding cattle; in a few years their 
servants have been their equals, and sometimes superiors : such is the 
force of prudence and industry. But as for our country of Carolana, 
if persons who carry over effects and servants be not sottishly foolish, 
or supinely negligent, they cannot fail of improving their own for- 
tunes, and, without injury to themselves, contribute to make others 
easy and comparatively happy. 

I will not say that masters and superintendents of any sort or kind 
need take nothing with them, but that they will find all things neces- 
sary and convenient to their hands. Doubtless common sense will 
teach them, they ought to have at least half a year's provisions of 
18 



258 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

things necessary, until tliey are acquainted with the natives, and have 
established a friendship and correspondence with them. But abund- 
ance of trouble and expense will be saved in planting this country, 
which could not be well avoided in those . the English have hitherto 
settled on the continent or in their islands. For bread in this country, 
we have a great advantage at first coming. They may have Indian 
corn of the inhabitants, who have almost everywhere two, and in some 
places three, crops in a year ; and I have been very credibly informed 
that, when the new comes in, they cast away a great part of the old 
to make room in their little granaries. Besides, all along the coast, 
and two or three hundred miles up the country from the sea, they 
have the root Mandihoca — whereof Cassavi bread and flour is made — 
whereupon almost all America between the tropics doth subsist (ex- 
cepting what is brought them at great expense from Europe, or our 
northern plantations), and which many esteem as good a nourishment 
as our manchet, and six times cheaper. 

Besides, this country naturally affords another sort of excellent 
corn, which is the most like oats of any European grain, but longer 
and larger ; and I have been assured by many very credible persons, 
who often, out of curiosity, had divers ways prepared it, that it far 
exceeds our best oatmeal. This is not sown and cultivated by the In- 
dians, but grows spontaneously in marshy places, in and by the sides 
of rivers, like reeds or rushes. The Indians, when it is ripe, take 
handfuUs, and shake them into their canoes ; what escapes them falling 
into the water, without any further trouble, produces the next year's 
crop. Rice may be there raised in as great plenty as in Carolina. 
Eor fruits, they have not divers growing in Europe, which were once 
strangers to us, and by art and industry in some measure naturalized; 
but they have others little if at all inferior ; such as most excellent 
limes or wild lemons, and prunes, growing in the open fields, without 
culture, which they eat plentifully, immediately from the trees, and 
keep dry for winter provision. Many who have tasted both, unani- 
mously affirm, they never did meet with either sort in Europe com- 
parable thereunto : and those dried will not prove a contemptible 
commodity, when we contract friendship with the natives, who being 
directed by us how to gather and order them, would supply us with 
great quantities, not only for own subsistence and delight, but even 
for exportation. Besides, the tunas a most delicious fruit, especially 
in hot weather, and also not only agreeable to the palate, but salu- 
brious, and as our Europeans call it, when in maturity, their cordial 
julep. 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 259 

I now come to tliat tree, I mean the vine, whicli a great part of the 
world almost idolizes. I know there have been great disputes 
amongst the learned (and positively determined by Mahomet and the 
Mahometans all over the world), whether it had not been better for 
mankind it had never existed, considering how much that noble juice 
hath been abused, and how often it has been the cause of numberless 
calamities. For my own particular, I must own it is my opinion, 
that, next to bread, which is the staff of life, it is one of the greatest, 
merely material comforts we in these northern climates enjoy; and 
having been long thereunto accustomed, when transplanted into a 
more southern country, we shall hanker after it. And if we cannot have 
good of our own produce, we shall certainly have recourse to foreigners, 
and purchase it at any rate, and thereby impoverish our infant colony. 
But thanks to Almighty Grod, who hath not only so long, so wonder- 
fully favored the English nation in their own island, but takes care 
even of them, who some account their outcasts, though they have 
the true English courage, love to their country, and contribute, per- 
haps as much to its wealth and welfare by their industry, as any equal 
number of their rank and quality they have left behind. But to put 
a period to this digression, vines of divers sorts and kinds, grow natu- 
rally in this country. We have already discovered and distinguished 
five or six sorts very different from each other ; but in such great 
plenty, that in a thousand places, either upon the continent or in the 
islands, especially in or near the great river, they make your journeys 
shorter by entangling your legs, it being natural for them to run 
upon the ground, unless they meet with trees, up which they creep, 
loaded with clusters of grape, of some sorts, commonly half a yard, 
sometimes two foot long. It is true some of these grapes, for want 
of culture, though large as damsons, have great stones and a tough 
skin ; yet they might be easily meliorated by European skill ; though 
as they are, especially two or three sorts of the smaller kind, are as 
grateful to the palate as most we have in England ; but the very worst 
duly managed, produces brandy hardly inferior to any in Europe j so 
that had we vessels to distil, and skillful operators, we might soon 
abate the price of that liquor in England, and our plantations, and 
keep a sufficient reserve for ourselves. 

And further, when we have once obtained the skill of meliorating 
the grapes, we shall also produce not only as good wine, but also as good 
raisins, as in most countries of Europe ; the climate being admirably 
adapted thereunto; and thereby not only supply ourselves and 



260 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 



neighboring colonies, but somewhat abate the expense of our mother, 
good Old England, from whom we proceed, and upon whom we and 
(I hope and believe) all our other colonies, will not only acknowledge 
their sole dependence, but ever desire, with the uttermost of their 
power, to manifest, upon all occasions, their love an,d gratitude. 

But corn and drink are not sufficient for Englishmen, who are used 
to feed upon good beef, mutton, bacon, veal, and pork; therefore for 
the encouragement of such as shall hereafter inhabit this province, 
they will find good beef, and consequently veal, there being a sort of 
kine natural to this country, which, though they differ a little in shape 
from ours (having a bunch upon their shoulders, which is delicious 
food) yet otherways are not in the least inferior to our bulls and cows, 
and they may make them oxen when they please; and by dry fodder 
stall oxen like those in England ; but as they are without art and care, 
they almost ^qual our grass cattle. There are also sheep of the Spa- 
nish breed in good numbers, whose flesh is as good as ours, and their 
wool better; as also hogs very plentiful, on the sea-coast especially, 
and some within land, though not so numerous, acorns, chestnuts, and 
other masts abounding in this country, render them more grateful 
food (as all who have fed upon them affirm) than ours in England ; 
and fit for exportation for the islands. 

Next to food we are to consider a very material circumstance, and 
that is, cattle for draught, and horses for riding, which are carried 
into the plantations, whether on the continent, or in the islands. 
These are already prepared into your hands, with no great trouble 
and expense. For horses, they are commonly used among the In- 
dians on the west side of the Grreat River for riding and burdens, as 
amongst us, though they have not improved them for draughts, being 
totally ignorant of coaches, wains, carts, or ploughs, vmto all which they 
may soon by care and skill be adapted. And the price of a good 
horse will not amount unto above five shillings of our European com- 
modities at first cost, as I am well assured by traders, who have been 
offered a very good one for a very ordinary hatchet. And as for oxen 
for plough and cart when their young males are castrated, they will 
be as tame and as serviceable as our oxen; though amongst the Tar- 
tars, from whom these kine originally came, the great bulls of almost 
twice the strength and bigness of ours, are by them so far tamed that 
they employ them to draw their houses or huts put upon carts many 
hundred miles, as they have occasion to remove their habitations, 
which is only for convenient pasture, marching in the winter to the 
outh, in the summer to the north. This sort of cattle are not only 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROL AN A. 261 

useful for food and labor, but also for their hair, or rather wool, which 
is very long, very thick, and very fine ; and I think, as do many others 
who understand the use of it, for hats, clothing, and divers other ne- 
cessaries, with some small suitable addition or mixtures, is preferable 
to common wool. Their skins may be partly imported to England, 
and partly employed in our own colony for harness, boots, shoes, and 
many other uses. 

Besides, we are near New Mexico, all which country generally 
employ for carriage mighty great and strong mules, produced by As- 
sinegos, or male asses, many of which there are of abundantly greater 
bigness, strength and mettle than in Europe, which, with the mares 
of that country would produce an excellent breed, if it be thought ad- 
vantageous to raise them. 

There are several tracts of land in this country that would suit very 
well with camels,* many of which are employed by the Spaniards, es- 
pecially in Peru and Terra Firma, or the south part of the Gulf of 
Mexico. They have them mostly from the Canary Islands, and some 
from Africa. They stand well in America, are very useful, and a 
very little trouble and charge will subsist them. 

The wild animals of this country, besides the elk or buffalo above 
mentioned, are panthers, bears, wolves, and wild cats, none of which 
are hurtful to mankind; deer of divers sorts, beaver, otter, fox, raccoons 
squirrels, martens, and conies between ours and hares in great abund- 
ance ; as likewise a rat with a bag under its throat, wherein it con- 
veys its young when forced to fly. All these are useful for their furs 
or skins, and some for food; but I think it not material nor consist- 
ent with my designed brevity to enter into a particular description of 
them : No more than of the following bird or wild fowl found all over 
the country, sea shore and rivers, such as eagles, goshawks, falcons, 
gerfalcons, and most other birds of prey that are in Europe; great com- 
panies of turkeys, bustards, pheasants, partridges, pigeons, thrushes, 
blackbirds, snipes, cranes, swans, geese, ducks, teal, pelicans, parrots, 
and many other sorts of curious birds diff'ering from ours. 

For clothing, though we may reasonably suppose that by our cor- 
respondence with our native country we may be supplied therewith, 
as also with beds, carpets, coverlets, &c., yet it would not be amiss, if 
in the infancy of this colony, the poorer sort were encouraged to 

* A caravan of these animals has been lately imported (1850) to establish a 
commnnication (across the deserts) between the city of St. Louis and St. Fran- 
cisco, California. 



262 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

manufacture tlie wool of sheep and kine, as also cotton, to supply 
their urgent necessities. Hats may be made of the long soft hair of 
the kine mixed, if need be, with a little of the hair or wool of beaver, 
both which are in great plenty, and easily procured, and nothing 
wanting but a few artists to manufacture them as in England. 

I have received information from divers persons who unanimously 
affirm, that some of the most civilized nations in this country, espe- 
cially of the better sort, are clothed with a substance like good coarse 
serviceable linen, very white. Upon inquiry, they found it was made 
with the inward bark of trees, which grow plentifully there, and is as 
becoming as most of the ordinary linen of Europe ; and by the rela- 
tion of the natives no less durable. Of the same and other barks 
they make thread, cords and ropes, of divers lengths and magnitudes, 
which might be greatly improved by our English planters. 

Olives would certainly grow here as well as in New Spain, where 
they thrive, especially in those parts contiguous to our country, and 
are not inferior, either for eating or making oil, to those of Spain and 
Portugal ; as also almonds, several affirming, particularly, I remember, 
the famous Acosta writes concerning the productions of the West 
Indies, where he long resided, that they far exceed those of Spain or 
any other part of Europe. But, for political reasons, both they and 
vines are forbidden to be used for the production of oil or wine. 

Currants also would probably prosper in this country, the climate 
being much of the same nature and latitude with the islands of Zante 
and Cephalonia, from whence we now do generally bring them ; and 
the famous city of Corinth, from which they derive their name, and 
from whence they were transplanted to the fore-mentioned islands; 
the Latin name being Uvse Corinthiaas, or grapes of Corinth, which 
we corruptly call currants, instead of Corinths. These three commo- 
dities were thought so needful that King Charles II., with the advice 
of his council, gave great encouragement, in his patent for Carolina, 
to the proprietors, planters, or any others who should produce and 
import them to England ; as also capers and some other commodities 
there mentioned. 

Cotton grows wild in the pod and in great plenty; may be ma- 
naged and improved as in our islands, and turn to as great account; 
and in time perhaps manufactvired either in the country or in Great 
Britain, which will render it a commodity still more valuable.* 

* The author here displays a wonderful sagacity as to the importance of 
this country for the cultivation of a plant which now makes Europe our 
debtor^ and is the great regulator of our exchanges. 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROL ANA. 263 

Pearls are to be found in great abundance in this country; the 
Indians put some value upon them, but not so much as on the colored 
beads we bring them. On the whole coast of this province, for two 
hundred leagues, there are many vast beds of oysters which breed 
pearls, as has been found in divers places. But, which is very re- 
markable, far from the sea, in fresh water rivers and lakes, there is a 
sort of a shell fish, between a muscle and a pearl oyster, wherein are 
found abundance of pearls, and many of an unusual magnitude. The 
Indians, when they take the oysters, broil them over the fire till they 
are fit to eat, keeping the large pearls they find in them, which, by 
the heat, are tarnished and lose their native lustre; but, when we 
have taught them the right method, doubtless it would be a very 
profitable trade. There are two places we already know within 
land, in each of which there is a great pearl fishery. One about one 
hundred and twenty leagues up the River Meschacebe, on the west 
side, in a lake made by the river of the Naches, about forty miles 
from its mouth, where they are found in great plenty and many very 
large. The other on the River Chiaha, which runs into the Coza or 
Cussaw River (as our English calls it), and which comes from the 
north-east, and, after a course of some hundred miles, disembogues 
into the Gulf of Mexico, about one hundred miles to the east of the 
Maschacebe. 

The judicious and faithful writer of the famous expedition of Fer- 
dinando Soto, who was therein from the beginning unto the end, 
acquaints us that, when they came to Cutifachia, the chief of that 
country, finding they valued pearl, offered to load all their horses 
therewith, which were at least two hundred. And, to confirm them 
in the belief of what they advanced, carried them unto two of their 
chief temples, where they found vast quantities, but took only fourteen 
bushels for a show to the Havana, and other of the Spanish dominions, 
to encourage the peopling of this colony, not being willing to encum- 
ber their horses with more, their welfare and success depending much 
upon their horsemen — the Indians being abundantly more afraid of 
them than the foot, whose guns being useless after a short time, for 
want of powder, they only made use of cross-bows. And Garcilasso, 
who was not with Soto, but writ only upon memoirs he received from 
divers who were present, gives a more full account of the prodigious 
quantity of pearls in that country, aiSrming the Spaniards calculated 
them to amount unto a thousand bushels. And afterwards, when the 
Spaniards at Chiaha were gathering oysters for their food, they found 
many large pearls, and one particularly that was prized at four 



264 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS Or LOUISIANA. 

hundred ducats, not having lost the least of its lustre, being taken out 
of a raw oyster. And that one Terron, a Spaniard, had above six 
pounds weight of pearl, very large, and mostly of a beautiful lustre, 
and were valued at six thousand ducats. 

It need not seem incredible that pearl should be taken in fresh 
water lakes and rivers, there being many relations of unquestionable 
reputation, which declare, very good and large pearls are found in 
divers parts of China, and the countries to the west and south-west of 
their great wall (with which quotations I will not enlarge this dis- 
course), as will appear by reading the China Atlas of Martinius, Mar- 
cus Paulus Venetus, and other credible writers on lakes and fresh 
water rivers. 

Cochineal is a commodity of great value, very necessary as the 
world goes, and costs this nation annually great sums of money, which 
may be all saved, there being in this province sufficient to furnish 
both us and our neighbors, who are no less fond of it than ourselves. 
There have been great inquiries, and many disputes, about the original 
of this commodity, which is the famous ingredient for dyeing in grain, 
the purple and scarlet colors, generally esteemed by opulent and civil- 
ized nations. 

This noble ingredient for dyeing, is produced by a tree or shrub 
called the Tunal or Tuna, of which there are divers sorts ; some bear- 
ing an excellent fruit, very pleasant and wholesome. It is made of 
certain insects breeding in the fruit of this plant, when it is well hus- 
banded, and are thereunto fastened, covered with a dainty fine "web, 
which doth compass them about, and when come to maturity they 
eat through it, fall off the tree, and being carefully gathered, dried, 
and curiously put up, are sent to Spain, and thence distributed to 
most civilized parts of Europe and Asia. Acosta tells us, that in the 
fleet wherein he returned from Mexico, that province only, shipped 
5677 arobes, each whereof is 251. weight, and valued at 283,750 pieces 
of eight. The cochineal is of two sorts, one growing wild, which they 
call Silvester. This, though it gives a good price, is far short of that 
which is duly cultivated in gardens and fields, much after the manner 
the English do tobacco in their plantations. This province, both on 
the east and west side of the Meschacebe, from the Gulf of Mexico, 
some hundred miles up the country, abounds with all sorts of Tunals, 
or Tunas (as some style them), usually found in the province of 
Mexico, which borders upon it, and is only divided by an imaginary 
line, from the degrees of thirty to thirty-six. When this country is 



COXE'S (LOUISIANA) CAROL ANA. 265 

settled, and we set upon this manufacture, the Indians may be very 
helpful unto us, it being easy labor, and wherein we need only employ 
their women and young people, if their men, who are generally very 
lazy, decline it. 

The plant of which indigo is made, is very frequent in most of the 
southern parts of this country, and may possibly produce better than 
that made in our Islands of Jamaica, &c., this province being in the 
same latitude with Agra and Byana, territories in the great IMogul's 
country, whose indigo is accounted the best of its kind in the world, 
and is double the price of ours. It is easily made, and the Indians 
may be assisting to us herein, if we think fit to undertake it. Besides, 
if we believe that judicious natural historian Hernando, there is in 
Mexico, and consequently here (being much the same climate) a plant 
or little shrub, which produces an indigo abundantly more noble, and 
the color more lively, than that which is the common indigo. This 
the Spaniards call azul, as being like ultramarine.* 

Ambergris or gray amber, is often found upon this coast, from the 
Cape of Florida to Mexico, which is of great value. The best (for 
there are divers sorts) is of equal worth to its weight in gold. This 
is agreed upon by the learned, to be a bitumen or naphtha, which 
comes from certain springs or fountains, that empty themselves into 
the sea, and is coagulated by the salt water, as succinum, commonly 
called amber, from another sort of bitumen or naphtha, and in storms 
cast upon the coast. The same ambergris is also found upon the east 
side of the Cape or Peninsula of Florida, the Bahama Islands, in the 
East Indies, and Brazil, and sometimes great lumps, even upon the 
coast of Cornwall and Ireland. And among others, I have read of a 
piece weighing eighty pounds, cast upon the coast of Cornwall, in the 
reign of King Charles I., which was bigger, till diminished by the 
countryman who found it, by greasing his cart-wheels, and boots, but 
discovered accidentally by an intelligent gentleman, who riding by 
one of his carts, and perceiving a very grateful smell, inquired of the 
man whence it proceeded; he told him he had found a nasty grease 
on the shore, which he hoped would have saved him the expense of 
kitchen stuff and tar for carts, harness, and boots, but it was of so 
poisonous a smell, that they were not able to endure it. The gentle- 
man desiring to see the remainder, found it what he expected, pur- 

* The cultivation of indigo was commenced in Louisiana in 1726. As a crop 
it was uncertain, but it was not abandoned until 1794, when it was succeeded 
by the more general cultivation of sugar, cotton, and tobacco. 



266 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

cbased it at a very easy rate, presented it unto the queen, and was 
requited in places or employments far beyond tbe value of it. 

There is found in great quantities upon the same coast, on the 
shore to the east and west of the Meschacebe, especially after high 
south winds, a sort of stone pitch, by the Spaniards called copec, 
which they likewise find in the South Sea, upon the coast of Peru. 
They mix it with grease to make it more liquid, and use it as pitch 
for their vessels, and afl&rm it to be better in hot countries, not being 
apt to melt with, the heat of the sun or weather. And at Trinidad, a 
large island over against the great river of Oronoque, there is a moun- 
tain of the said substance, of which Sir "Walter Raleigh gives an 
account in his expedition, so fatal unto him, of the discovery of the 
said river ; and several navigators since have done the same. Acosta, 
the famous author of the natural history of the West Indies, affirms it 
to be generated of an oil, which empties itself, he knows not how, 
into several parts of the ocean, in so great quantities, that the sailors, 
when at a loss, know where they are by its floating on the sea, or the 
smell thereof, which, he says, they scented at a considerable distance. 
The English sent to discover the River Meschacebe, aifirm the same, 
and that they found it in two places, which I have well marked. 
Moreover, that the sea was covered with an oil or slime, as they style 
it, which had a very strong smell for many leagues together. I 
suppose they had much the same conceptions with the countryman 
before mentioned, and therefore their curiosity did not prompt them to 
take it up and examine its qualities ; though probably it might be 
of the same nature and use with that of divers wells in the province 
of Adierbigian in Persia, near the Caspian Sea, whence they fetch it 
many hundred miles on camels, being used to burn it in lamps instead 
of oil, it emitting a most grateful and wholesome odor. I might 
add spermaceti whales, out of which that substance is extracted, are 
sometimes killed by the natives, and sometimes by storms, as it were, 
shipwrecked on the shore ; but either of these seldom happening, there 
can be no great dependence or expectation from them. 

Salt is of great use, especially unto Europeans, without which they 
cannot well subsist, being accustomed thereunto from their infancy, 
and without which food has no relish. Resides, it is supposed that it 
prevents putrefaction and innumerable diseases ; and in foreign coun- 
tries where it hath been wanting they have greatly suffered. It is 
moreover necessary to preserve fish and flesh, which without it cannot 
be long kept sweet. In this country it may be easily and abundantly 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 267 

procured.^ We know divers places, on botli sides of the river, where 
there are many springs and lakes, producing plentifully excellent 
salt ; and also one mine of rock-salt, almost clear as crystal, and 
probably there may be many more of the same. By these, we may 
not only supply ourselves with what is necessary for our ordinary 
daily food, during the winter or other seasons, but also furnish our 
(I may call then neighbor) plantations in the islands (we not being 
very remote from them) with fish, flesh, and salt ; when by reason 
of war, or other sinister accidents, they cannot receive due and ex- 
pected recruits from England or elsewhere. 

Silk is a commodity of great use in England for many manufaetures, 
it being imported to us from France, Italy, Sicily, Turkey, and the 
East Indies : and there is no foreign commodity which exhausts more 
of our treasure. I am not so vain as to promise this country can 
furnish Glreat Britain with so much silk as is therein manufactured, 
which would amount to above half a million or a million sterling 
annually; but if this province is ever settled (it abounding in most 
parts with forests of mulberry trees, both white and red), and we keep 
a good correspondence with the natives, which is both our duty and 
interest, certainly a considerable quantity of silk may be here pro- 
duced.f It hath been already experimented, in South Carolina, by 
Sir Nathaniel Johnston and others, which would have returned to 
great account, but that they wanted hands, laborers being not to be 
hired but at a vast charge. Yet if the natives or negroes were em- 
ployed, who delight in such easy light labors, we could have that 
done for less than one shilling, which costs them more than six. Now 
I appeal to all good Englishmen, if we can raise only a tenth part 
of the silk expended in Great Britain, &c., and perhaps half an age 
hence the fifth, whether it would not be very beneficial to our native 
country, and a little check upon others, with whom we deal in that 
commodity, by letting them know, if they are unreasonable and exor- 
bitant in their demands, that we may in a short time supply ourselves, 
in a great measure, from our own plantations ? I am not ignorant 
there are several sorts of silks, proper for divers distinct uses, as of 
China, Bengal, and other parts of the East Indies, Persia, Turkey, 
Naples, and Sicily ; for what manufactures ours is most proper, I 

* On the head waters of the Arkansas and Red Rivers. 

•}■ There is no climate in the world more favorable for the cultivation of 
silk than Louisiana. And the time is fast approaching when it will be one of 
the staples of the country. 



268 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

know not ; but it hath given a good price, and experience may teach 
us to raise for more uses than one. I would advise my countrymen 
when they set up this manufacture to imitate the Chinese, who sow 
the mulberry seeds as we do pot-herbs, and to mow those of one year's 
growth for the young silkworms, the leaves being short and tender, 
fit food for them when fresh hatched ; and the second for them when 
in their infancy, as I may deservedly style it. When grown strong, 
they may be supplied Math leaves from the trees ; which method 
secures them from the diseases, whereunto they are obnoxious, when 
fed from the beginning with great rank leaves, saves much trouble, 
and lessens the number of hands to attend them, which is the greatest 
expense. 

Hemp and flax are not only materials for divers manufactures in 
England, but exceedingly useful, and indeed almost necessary in a 
new colony, to supply them with coarse linens of divers kinds, 
whereof, if we made much and finer, it would be no injury to our 
mother England, who hath most from foreign parts ; as also cordage, 
thread, twine for nets, and other uses. The plants which produce 
hemp and flax are very common in this country, and abundantly suf- 
ficient to supply not only the necessities thereof, but likewise of the 
whole British nation. Besides, we have a grass, as they call it, silk 
grass, which makes very pretty stufis, such as come from the East In- 
dies, which they call Herba stufis, whereof a garment was made for 
Queen Elizabeth, whose ingredient came from Sir Walter Raleigh's 
colony, by him called Virginia, now North Carolina, a part of this 
province, which, to encourage colonies and plantations, she was pleased 
to wear for divers weeks. 

This country affords excellent timber for building ships, as oak, fir, 
cedar, spruce, and divers other sorts ; and, as I said before, flax and 
hemp for cordage and sails, as likewise iron for nails and anchors. 
But without tar, pitch, and rosin, a ship can never be well equipped ; 
wherefore there are divers places in this country* near the sea and 
great rivers, which were otherwise useless, being the most sandy bar- 
ren parts of the country, wherein that tree grows which produces all 
those materials for naval architecture; the same tree likewise pro- 
duces turpentine, which is no contemptible commodity. This tree 
being pierced, and a vessel conveniently fastened unto or placed under 
the aperture, the turpentine distils plentifully into it. If cut, and a 
hole made under the tree in the sand (for in that soil it generally 

* Lower Louisiana is celebrated for its forests of live oak and pine trees. 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 269 

grows), the turpentine, by the influence of the air and sun, without 
any further trouble, becomes good rosin. Pitch and tar are made by 
cutting the dry trees into scantlings, and taking the knots of old trees 
fallen, and the rest of the wood rotted, burning, as you here make 
charcoal, covering with turf, and leaving orifices for as much air as 
will keep the fire from extinguishing. The moisture, partly aqueous, 
partly bituminous, runs by a gentle descent into a pit ; what swims 
is tar, which, inflamed to a certain degree and extinguished, is pitch. 

I suppose it will not seem a grievance for us to build ships in this 
country to bring home our native commodities, when it is allowed in 
other plantations, and supposed to save us a vast expense of boards, 
masts, yards, &c., which were formerly brought us from Norway and 
Sweden, where it is well known that three parts in four are payed for 
in ready money, and not a fourth in our own native commodities or 
manufactures. Besides the pitch, tar, rosin, and turpentine, the pro- 
duce of the trees before mentioned, the ashes which remain, with a 
very small accession, and little trouble, will make potash, no con- 
temptible commodity, and which costs England every year to foreign 
parts (as I have been informed by competent judges) above fifty thou- 
sand pounds. But I will not insist further hereon, or manifest what 
great quantities hereof may easily be made, and how much stronger 
than most of that we import from Russia, Livonia, Courland, Prussia, 
Sweden, Norway, and other countries, we having so many other valua- 
ble commodities to employ our time and labor about. 

The mention of potash, so much used by soap-boilers and dyers, 
brings to mind several materials for dyeing. This country affords log- 
wood, otherwise called Cam peachy wood, and many other dyeing woods, 
fustic, &c., which, divers who tried them, affirm are not inferior to 
those growing on the opposite side of the gulf, in the Spanish domin- 
ions, whence we have hitherto received them, with much charge, 
hazard, and trouble. There are besides the woods in this country, 
divers shrubs and plants, whose roots, even as used by the Indians, 
dye the finest and most durable colors, black, yellow, blue, and espe- 
cially red; which if planted and cultivated, as mather wood and saf- 
fron amongst us, might probably be beneficial unto the undertakers. 

Some persons are very inquisitive whether this country produces 
gems. I pretend not to the knowledge of diamonds, rubies and ba- 
lasses, sapphires, emeralds or chrysolites; all that have come to my 
knowledge are amethysts, of which there are very fine and large, and 
to the west, turkoises, thought to be as large and good as any in the 



270 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

known world ; and possibly upon inquiry and diligent searcbj others 
may be found. 

We have an account of lapis lazuli, which is an indication, as 
my masters generally affirm, that gold is not far off. I never did see 
or hear of any lapis lazuli extraordinarily good, but had visible streaks 
or veins of pure gold. But though it is not ordinarily reckoned 
amongst precious stones, yet, if good in its kind, it is sold for its 
weight in gold, to make that glorious azure called ultramarine, with- 
out which no marvelous and durable painting can be made. And 
Monsieur Turnefort, in his voyage to the Levant, observes that be- 
sides that lazuli is found in gold mines, there seems to be in this stone 
some threads of gold as it were still uncorrupted. 

I had almost forgotten to communicate two commodities, one for the 
health, the other for the defence of our bodies. The former is a 
shrub called Cassine, much used and celebrated by the natives, the 
leaves whereof dried will keep very long, of which several people 
have had many years' experience. The Indians drink plentifully 
thereof (as we do tea in Europe, and the Chinese, from whom it is 
exported), more especially when they undertake long and dangerous 
expeditions against their enemies, affirming it takes away hunger, 
thirst, weariness, and that tormenting passion, fear, for twenty-four 
hours. And none amongst them are allowed to drink it but those 
who have well deserved by their military achievements, or otherwise 
obtained the favor of their petty roytelets. 

The latter is saltpetre, which may probably be here procured cheap 
and plentifully, there being at certain seasons of the year most pro- 
digious flights of pigeons, I have been assured by some who have 
seen them, above a league long, and half as broad. These come, 
many flocks successively, much the same course, roost upon trees in 
such number that they often break the boughs and leave prodigious 
heaps of dung behind them; from which, with good management and 
very little expense, great quantities of the best saltpetre may be ex- 
tracted. 

Having given an account of the most valuable animals and vege- 
tables this country produces, for food and other uses, as well as ma- 
terials for trade and manufacture, some who have heard or read of the 
immense riches in gold and silver that are annually exported from 
Peru, Mexico, and other territories of the Spaniards in America to 
Spain, and of the incredible quantities of gold that have been im- 
ported from Brazil into Portugal for above thirty years past (the 



coxe's (Louisiana) carolana. 271 

benefit of which all the world knows we have shared in), will be 
ready to inquire whether the like mines exist in this country? 
Whereunto it may be answered, were there no such mines, yet where 
there is so good, rich, fertile land, so pure and healthful an air and 
climate, such an abundance of all things for food and raiment, valu- 
able materials for domestic and foreign trade, these advantages alone, 
if industriously improved, and prudently managed, will in the event 
bring in gold and silver, by the balance of trade, as in the case of 
England and Holland; who, without mines of gold or silver, are 
perhaps the richest nations, for the quantity of land they possess, and 
number of inhabitants, in the whole commercial world. And it is 
well known, that we, and some other industrious Europeans receive, 
in exchange for our commodities, the greatest part of the wealth which 
comes in bullion from the West Indies, either to Spain or Portugal. 
But not to discourage any whose genius inclines them to the discovery 
and working of mines, I will add, who knows but we may have here 
as rich as any in the known world? Who hath searched? as Tacitus 
said of Germany in the height of the Roman empire. I mean the 
reign of the great Trajan, sixteen hundred years since. Yet after- 
wards there were found gold, silver, lead, tin, copper, quicksilver, 
spelter, antimony, vitriol, the best in the world, blue, green, and 
white; besides many other mineral productions, which are now 
wrought to the great advantage of divers sovereign princes and their 
subjects. 

But to make a more particular reply to such suggestions, they 
may be assured that copper is in abundance, and so fine that it is 
found in plates, bits, and pieces very pure without melting, of which 
considerable quantities have been gathered on the surface of the earth. 
And they who have tried some of the ore, afl&rm by common methods 
it gives above forty per cent. The famous Alonzo Barba, who hath 
given an admirable account of the mines* the Spaniards have disco- 
vered in America, and the ways of working them, assures us that be- 
sides the mines abounding in that metal near the surface of the earth, 
they found, digging deeper, that they proved the richest silver mines 
they have hitherto discovered. And all agree, the gold extracted out 
of copper is finer, of a higher tincture, or more carats, than that ex- 
tracted from silver or any other metal, and that without the tedious 
process of burning several times before melting, employed constantly, 

* Silver, copper, and lead mines abound in Texas, Louisiana, and Missouri; 
gold and quicksilver in California. 



272 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

in order to the extracting copper, by Swedes and other European 
nations. 

Lead is there in great quantities. What has already been disco- 
vered is more than sufficient for common use, and the ore affords sixty 
per cent. 

I need not perhaps mention coal, the country so much abounding 
in wood. But because in some cases that may be more useful and 
proper than wood, I will add that in many places there are known to 
be mines of pit coal, like that we have from Scotland, Wales, and some 
of our inland countries in England. 

Iron ore is in abundance of places near the surface of the earth ; 
and some parts produce iron little inferior to steel in goodness, and 
useful in many cases wherein steel is commonly employed, as divers 
attest who have made trials thereof. 

This country affords another profitable commodity or mineral, which 
is quicksilver. We have knowledge of two mines, one on the west, 
the other on the east of the Great Eiver, and doubtless many more 
might be found if inquired after. The natives make no other use 
thereof than to paint their faces and bodies therewith in time of war, 
and great festivals. This we call quicksilver is the mother of quick- 
silver, or the mineral out of which it is extracted, and is a rock of a 
scarlet or purple color; which being broke and distilled into earthen 
pots, the necks whereof are put into others almost full of water, the 
latter for the greater part of each of them in the ground, then are 
placed in rows, almost contiguous, covered with spray wood, which 
l)urning drives the quicksilver by descent out of the mineral into the 
water. Three or four men will tend some thousands of these pots. 
JThe great trouble is in digging; all the expense not amounting unto 
a tenth part of the value of the produce. 

And it is generally observed by all who write well on mines, metals, 
and minerals, that though silver be often found where there is no 
cinnabar of quicksilver in its neighborhood, yet cinnabar is rarely 
found but silver mines are near. This cinnabar or vermilion, though 
a good commodity in itself in Europe and among the savages, for some 
picked chosen pieces, is chiefly valuable for the quicksilver it produces, 
especially if we ever obtain a free trade with the Spaniards, and will 
be beyond all exception for our and their mutual benefit; for most 
of the silver ore in America, mixed with quicksilver, produces almost 
double the quantity of metal it would do only by melting; so that 
the Spaniards have annually six or eight thousand quintals or hun- 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 273 

dred weiglit, brought unto them from the bottom of the Adriatic Gulf 
out of the territories of the Emperor, and the Venetians, viz : from 
Istria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Friuli, and Dalmatia. We can sell 
it them, and deliver it for half what that costs which comes from Eu- 
rope, they being within six or eight days' sail of the place where it is 
produced. And for Mexico we can deliver it for the mines in New 
Biscay, &c., in the River of Palms or Rio Bravo, otherwise called the 
River of Escondido : as also by the River of the Houmas (Red River), 
which enters the Meschacebe, one hundred leagues from its mouth, 
on the west side, after a course of above five hundred miles It is a 
very large deep river, navigable at least three hundred miles by ships ; 
afterwards unto its heads by barques and flat bottomed boats, having 
no falls. It proceeds from that narrow ridge of low mountains which 
divides this country and the Province of Mexico. The hills may be 
passed not only by men and horses but also by wagons, in less than 
half a day. On the other side are small navigable rivers, which after 
a short course of thirty or forty miles, empty themselves into the 
abovesaid Rio Bravo, which comes from the most northerly part of 
New Mexico, in thirty-eight degrees of latitude, and enters the sea at 
the N. W. end of the Grulf of Mexico, in twenty-seven degrees of 
latitude. 

There is also another easy passage, to the northern part of New 
Mexico, by the Yellow River, which about sixty miles above its mouth, 
is divided into two great branches ; or rather those two branches form 
that great river, which is no less than the Meschacebe, where they 
are united. The north branch proceeds from the north-west, and is 
called the River of the Massorites (Missouri), from a great nation who 
live thereon. The other, which comes from the west and by south, 
is named the River of the Ozages, a populous nation of that name 
inhabiting on its banks; and their heads proceed from the aforesaid 
hills, which part the Province of New Mexico from Carolana, and 
are easily passable ; as are those forementioned of the River of the 
Houmas, which may be plainly discerned by the map or chart here- 
unto annexed. 

But all this is insignificant to our Pkitonists, whom nothing will 
satisfy besides gold and silver ; I will therefore here declare all I 
know, or have received from credible persons, and will not add a 
tittle.* I am well informed of a place, from whence the Indians have 

• The early French explorers sent to Louisiana were among the first to write 
on the mineral regions of this province and Lake Superior. 

19 



274 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

brought a metal (not well indeed refined), and that divers times, 
which, purified, produced two parts silver. And I have an account 
from another, who was with the Indians, and had from them inform 
masses of such like silver, and very fine pale copper, though above 
two hundred miles from the country where the forementioned was 
found. I have by me letters from New Jersey, written many years 
since by a person very well skilled in the refining of metals, signify- 
ing, that divers years successively, a fellow who was there of little 
esteem, took a fancy to ramble with the Indians beyond the hills 
which separate that colony and New York from this country; he 
always brought home with him a bag, as heavy as he could well carry, of 
dust, or rather small particles of divers sorts of metals, \erj ponderous. 
When melted, it appeared a mixture of metals, unto which they could 
assign no certain denomination ; but perceived by many trials that it 
contained lead, copper, and when refined, above a third part silver and 
gold ; for though the gold was the least in quantity, yet it was con- 
siderable in value } which is easy discovered by any . tolerable artist 
of a refiner, who knows how to separate gold and silver, and what 
proportion the mass contains of each. There were great pains taken 
to bring this fellow to discover where he had this, I may call, treasure, 
it serving him to drink and sot till he went on another expedition; 
but neither promises nor importunities would prevail. Some made 
him drunk, yet he still kept his secret. All they could ever fish out 
of him was, that about three hundred leagues south-west of Jersey, 
at a certain season of the year, there fell great torrents of water from 
some mountains — I suppose from rains — which being passed over, the 
Indians washed the sand or earth some distance below the falls, and 
in the bottom remained this medley of metals. Which brings to 
mind what happened lately in Brazil. Several Portuguese being 
guilty of heinous crimes, or afraid- of the resentment of powerful 
enemies, retreated from their habitations to the mountains of St. Paul, 
as they called them, lying in between twenty and thirty degrees of 
south latitude, above two hundred miles from their nearest planta- 
tions, and yearly increasing, at length formed a government amongst 
themselves. Some inquisitive person perceiving, in divers places, 
somewhat glister, after the canals of the torrents produced by great 
rains, at a certain time of the year, were dry, upon trial found it 
(the sand and filth being washed away) very fine gold. They having, 
upon consultation, amassed a good quantity thereof, made their peace 
with the King of Portugal, and are a peculiar jurisdiction, paying 



COXE's (LOUISIANA) CAROLANA. 275 

the King his quint or fifth, which is reserved in all grants of the Crown 
of Spain and Portugal; and are constantly supplied by the merchants 
for ready money with whatsoever commodities they want. And I 
am informed by divers credible persons, who have long lived in 
Portugal, that from this otherwise contemptible useless country, is 
brought by every Brazil fleet above twelve hundred and fifty thousand 
pounds sterling, only in gold. Who knows but what happened to 
them, may one time or other, in like manner, happen to the future 
inhabitants of this country, not yet cultivated, fully discovered or ran- 
sacked by Europeans ? 

There are in divers parts of this province, orpiment, and sandaracha 
in great quantity; and all the writers on metals and minerals affirm, 
they not only contain gold, but where they are found they are generally 
the covering of mines of gold or silver. 

But suppose all that preceded is conjecture, imposture, or visionary, 
what I now suggest deserves great attention, and when the country 
is settled, may invite the best heads and longest purses to combine, 
at least, to make a fair trial of what the Spaniards attempted upon 
naked conjectures. 

The mines of New Biscay,* Gallicia and New Mexico, out of which 
such vast quantities of silver is yearly sent to Spain, besides what is 
detained for their domestic utensils, wherein they are very magnificent, 
lie contiguous to this country — to say nothing of gold, whereof 
they have considerable quantities, though not proportionable in bulk 
or value to the silver. But there is a ridge of hills which run almost 
due north and south between their country and ours, not thirty miles 
broad, and in divers places, for many miles, abounding with silver 
mines, more than they can work, for want of native Spaniards, and 
•Negroes. And, which is very remarkable, they unanimously affirm, 
the further north, the richer the mines of silver are. Which brings 
to mind what Polybius, Livy, Pliny, and many other of the Grreek 
and Roman historians, and writers of natural history unanimously 
report ; that the rich mines in Spain, upon which the Cathaginians 
so much depended, and which greatly enriched them, were in the 
Asturias and Pyrenean mountains, the most northerly part of Spain, 
and in a much greater northern latitude than the furthest mines of 
New Mexico, near their capital city Santa Fee, situate in about thirty- 
six degrees. Not but that there are more and richer mines more 

* The silver mines of St. Barbe, in the Guadaloupe mountains, are said by 
travelers to be among the xichest in the world. 



276 mSTORICAL collections of LOUISIANA. 

northerly than Santa Fee, hut they are hindered from working them hy 
three or four populous and well policed nations, who have beat the 
Spaniards in many rencounters, not to say battles ; and for a hundred 
years they have not been able, by their own confession, to gain from 
them one inch of ground. 

Pliny in particular affirms, that every year twenty thousand pounds 
of gold were brought from their mines in Spain : and that one mine 
called Bebello, from the first discoverer, yielded to Hannibal every 
day three hundred pounds weight of silver, besides a very rich copi- 
ous mine of minium, cinnabaris, or vermilion, the mother of quick- 
silver, out of which only it is extracted. He adds, that the Romans 
continued to work these mines unto his time, which was about three 
hundred years; but they were not then so profitable, by reason of sub- 
terraneal waters, which gave them much trouble, they having then 
digged fifteen hundred paces into the mountain. But what is very 
remarkable and to our present purpose, these mines were not in the 
most southerly or middle parts of Spain, but as above to the north- 
ward. Now I desire any intelligent person, skillful in mineral afiairs, 
to assign a probable reason why we, who are on that side of the ridge 
of hills ob verted to the rising sun, which was always (how justly I 
know not) reckoned to abound in metals and minerals, more than 
those exposed to the setting sun, may not hope for and expect as 
many and as rich mines, as any the Spaniards are masters of, on the 
other or west side of these mountains ? Especially since several of the 
Spanish historians and naturalists observe, that the mines on the 
eastern side of the mountain of Potosi in Peru, are much more nu- 
merous and rich than those on the western. 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERY 

OP 

SOME NEW COUNTRIES AND NATIONS 

IN 

NORTH AMERICA, 

IN 1673, 
BY PERE MARQUETTE AND SIEUR JOLIET. 

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERY 

OF 

SOME NEW COUNTRIES AND NATIONS 

IN 

NORTH AMERICA, 

IN 1673, 

BY PERE MARQUETTE* AND SIEUR JOLIET. 

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. 



I EMBARKED witk M. Joliet, who had been chosen to conduct this 
enterprise, on the 13th May, 1673, with five other Frenchmen, in two 

* Father Joseph Marquette, an illustrious French Missionary, of noble birth 
was born in Picardy, France. Previous to his discovery of the Mississippi he 
had resided in Canada, Vi^here he acquired a knowledge of the languages of the 
principal Indian tribes who lived in the regions about the lakes. 

These Indians had given him from time to time accounts of a Great River 
of the West, which they called Mescha-cebe, or the Great river; Namese-sipou, 
or the River of the Fishes. While others called it Chuca-gua, Sassa-goula, and 
Mala-banchi. It has been subsequently called by the Spaniards La Palissade, 
Rio Escondido; and by the French Colbert, and sometimes St. Louis. It soon 
became a matter of curious speculation what course this river pursued, and 
at what place it disembogued itself into the sea. In order, therefore, to estab- 
lish this point, as well as to close his career with some brilliant discovery 
before he returned to France, M. Talon planned an expedition to explore it 
to its mouth. For this purpose he selected M. Joliet, a merchant of Quebec, 
to conduct the enterprise ; a man of intelligence, of great experience in Indian 
affairs, and who possessed a bold and energetic spirit. He also associated with 
him Father Marquette, who bad been long and favorably known to the Indians 
by his missionary labors. 

They accordingly set out on a voyage of discovery on the 13th May, 1673, On 



280 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

bark canoes.* We laid in some Indian corn and smoked beef for our 
voyage. We first took care, however, to draw from the Indians all 
the information we could, concerning the countries through which we 
designed to travel, and drew up a map, on which we marked down the 
rivers, nations, and points of the compass to guide us in our journey. 
The first nation we came to was called the Folles-Avoines,f or the 
nation of wild oats. I entered their river to visit them, as I had 
preached among them some years before. The wild oats, from which 
they derive their name, grows spontaneously in their country. They 
grow in marshy ground, and are not unlike our European oats. The 
grain is not thicker than ours, but it is twice as long, and therefore it 
yields much more meal. It makes its appearance in June and does 

his return Father Marquette wrote an account of his voyage, which he sent 
to France, where it was published in 1681. In every point of view this narra- 
tive is one of the most authentic and interesthig which can illustrate the early 
history of Louisiana. It is related of the Sieur Joliet that he also kept a journal 
of this expedition, which was afterwards lost by the upsetting of his canoe in 
the river St. Lawrence, as he was returning to Montreal. The French Govern- 
ment some years afterwards rewarded the Sieur Joliet for this service, by a 
grant of the island of Anticosti, in the St. Lawrence. 

Nothing is known of Marquette except what is related of him by Charlevoix. 
After returning from this expedition, he took up his residence and pursued the 
vocation of a missionary among the Miamies, in the neighborhood of Chicago. 
While passing by water along the eastern shore of Lake Michigan, towards 
Michilimackinac, he entered a small river on the 1 8th May, 1675. Having 
landed he constructed an altar, performed mass, and then retired a short dis- 
tance into the wood, requesting the two men who had charge of his canoe to 
leave him alone for half an hour. When the time had elapsed the men went 
to seek for him, and found him dead. They were greatly surprised at this 
event, but they remembered that when he was entering the river he expressed 
a presentiment that his life would end here. To this day the river retains the 
name of Marquette. His remains were removed, the year after his death, to 
the Catholic cemetery at Michilimackinac. 

* Marquette and Joliet's point of departure to discoA'er the Mississippi River 
was the French post at Michilimackinac, from whence they proceeded to Fox 
River, which falls into Green (Potawotamie) Bay. Fifteen years afterwards, the 
celebrated traveler. La Hontan, set out from the same post to explore the Mis- 
souri and St. Peters Rivers. 

f Folles-Avoines was the name given by the French to the " Menomonies," 
who lived to the north of the Bay of Puans or Green Bay. They were bounded 
on the north by the Chippeways; on the south by the Winnebagoes; on the 
west by the Sauks and Sioux Dahcota ; and east by the Miamies and Illinois 
Indians. 



I 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT. 281 

not ripen until September. In this montli the Indians go to shake the 
grain off the ears in their canoes, which easily falls if it be ripe, and 
which afterwards serves them for food. They dry it over a fire, then 
pack it away in a kind of sack made of the skins of animals, and 
having made a hole in the ground they put the sacks therein, and 
tread upon it until the chaff is separated from the grain, and then 
winnow it. Afterwards they pound it in a mortar to reduce it into 
meal ; they then boil it in water, and season it with grease, which 
makes it very palatable. 

I acquainted them with my design of discovering other nations, to 
preach to them the mysteries of our holy religion, at which they were 
much surprised, and said all they could to dissuade me from it. They 
told me I would meet with Indians who spare no strangers, and whom 
they kill without any provocation or mercy ; that the war they have 
one with the other would expose me to be taken by their warriors, as 
they are constantly on the look-out to surprise their enemies. That 
the Great River was exceedingly dangerous, and full of frightful mon- 
sters who devoured men and canoes together, and that the heat was so 
great that it would positively cause our death. I thanked them for 
their kind advice, but told them I would not follow it, as the salvation 
of a great many souls was concerned in our undertaking, for whom I 
should be glad to lose my life. I added that I defied their monsters, 
and their information would oblige us to keep more upon our guard 
to avoid a surprise. And having prayed with them, and given them 
some instructions, we set out for the Bay of Puan (Green Bay), where 
our missionaries had been successful in converting them. The name 
they give to this bay is preferable in the Indian language to ours ; for, 
according to the word they make use of, it signifies Salt Bay. It is 
the name they give to the sea. This obliged us to inquire whether 
there were any salt springs in their country, as among the Iroquois, 
but they could not tell us of any. 

This bay (Green Bay) is about thirty leagues long, and eight broad 
in the greatest breadth ; for it grows narrower and forms a cone at the 
extremity. It has tides that flow and ebb as regular as the sea. We 
left this bay to go into a river (Fox River) that discharges itself 
therein, and found its mouth very broad and deep. It flows very 
gently, but after we had advanced some leagues into it we found it 
difficult to navigate, on account of the rocks and the currents ; we for- 
tunately overcame all these difficulties. It abounds in bustards, ducks, 
and other birds, which are attracted there by the wild oats, of which 



282 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

they are very fond. We next came to a village of the Maskoutens,* 
or nation of fire. Here I had the curiosity to taste some mineral 
water which came from a spring on the banks of the river, and to 
examine a plant which the Indians had told Father Allouez was a 
specific for the bite of snakes. The root of this plant is very hot, 
and tastes like gunpowder; they chew it, and apply it to the part of 
the body that has been stung. This cures the wound. The snakes 
have such an antipathy to this plant, that they run away from a man 
who has his body rubbed with it. It has several stalks about a foot 
in length ; the leaves are somewhat long ; the flower is white, and 
the whole looks like our gilliflower. I put one into our canoe to 
examine it at my leisure. 

The French have never before passed beyond the Bay of Puans 
(Green Bay). This Bourg consists of three several nations, viz., 
MiamieSjf Maskoutens, and Kickapoos. The first are more docile 
than the others, better formed, and more liberal. They wear long hair 
over their ears, which gives them a good appearance. They are es- 
teemed good warriors, and so cunning that they never return from 
their warlike excursions without booty. They are quick to learn any- 
thing. Father Allouez| told me that they were so desirous to be in- 
structed that they would never give him any rest at night. The 

• The word Maskoutens means a " prairie." Their country lies on the south 
side of Fox River. 

f The Miamies and the Illinois have been considered the same people, from 
the great affinity between their languages. The Illinois consisted of five tribes, 
viz., Cahokias, Kakaskias, Tamaroas, Peorias, and Metchegamias. 

J Father Claude Allouez, a distinguished French missionary, came to Canada 
in 1665. In 1667 he commenced his missionary labors among the Chippeways, 
and formed a treaty of commerce and mutual defence with the Chippeways, 
Potawatoraies, Sacs, and Foxes, against the Iroquois. In 1669 he learned from 
the remote tribes of the West the existence Of the Great River, Mississippi, and 
returned to Quebec to urge the establishment of permanent missions among 
them, as well as to send out a party to explore the Great River. As yet no 
Frenchman had advanced beyond Fox River of Green Bay. All beyond was 
a region of romance, unknown, or mystified by Indian tradition. The un- 
wearied Jesuits of the Catholic church were always in advance of civilization. 
The history of their labors is connected with the origin of every celebrated 
town in the annals of French America ; not a river was entered, not a cape 
was turned, but a Jesuit led the way. The rites and ceremonies of the 
Catholic church were extended to the remote West. The Franciscan, as a 
mendicant order being excluded from the newly-discovered world, the office of 
converting the natives of New France was entrusted to the Jesuits, They 
plunged into the affairs of men, to maintain the interests of the church. 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT. 283 

Maskoutens and Kickapoos are more robust, and resemble our pea- 
sants more than the former. As the bark of the birch tree is scarce 
in this country, they are obliged to make their wigwams with rushes, 
which serve as well for covering them as for walls. It must be owned 
that they are convenient, for they take them down and carry them 
wherever they please, without any trouble. 

When I arrived there I was very glad to see a great cross, set up in 
the middle of the village, adorned with several white skins, red girdles, 
bows and arrows, which the converted Indians had offered to the great 
Manitou, to return him their thanks for the care he had taken of them 
during the winter, and granting them a prosperous hunting. Manitou 
is the name they give in general to all spirits whom they think to be 
above the nature of man. I took pleasure in looking at this hourg. 
It is beautifully situated on an eminence, from whence we look &fQx 
an extensive prairie, interspersed with groves of trees. The soil is 
very fertile, and produces large crops of corn. The Indians also gather 
large quantities of grapes and plums. As soon as we had arrived we 
assembled the chiefs together, and informed them that we had been 
sent by our governor to discover new countries, and teach them the 
knowledge of their Creator, who being absolute master of all his 
creatures will have all nations to know him, and that therefore to 
comply with his will we did not value our lives, and were willing to 
subject ourselves to every kind of danger, adding that we wished them 
to furnish us with two guides, and enforced our request with some 
presents, which were kindly accepted by them, in return for which 
they gave us mats, with which we made our beds during the voyage. 
They also furnished us with two guides to accompany us for some days. 

The next day, being the 10th of June, the two guides {Miamie&) 
embarked with us in sight of all the village, who were astonished at 
our attempting so dangerous an expedition. "We were informed that 
at three leagues from the Maskoutens, we should find a river which 
runs into the Mississippi, and that we were to go to the west-south- 
west to find it, but there were so many marshes and lakes, that if it 
had not 'been for our guides we could not have found it. The river 
upon which we rowed and had to carry our canoes from one to the 
other, looked more like a corn-field than a river, insomuch that we 
could hardly find its channel. As our guides had been frequently at 
this portage, they knew the way, and helped us to carry our canoes 
overland into the other river, distant about two miles and a half j 
from whence they returned home, leaving us in an unknown countryj 



284 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

having nothing to rely upon but Divine Providence. We nov^ left 
the waters which extend to Quebec, about five or six hundred leagues, 
to take those which would lead us hereafter into strange lands. 

Before embarking we all offered up prayers to the Holy Virgin, 
which we continued to do every morning, placing ourselves and the 
events of the journey under her protection, and after having en- 
couraged each other, we got into our canoes. The river upon which 
we embarked is called Mesconsin (Wisconsin) ; the river is very wide, 
but the sand bars make it very difficult to navigate, which is increased 
by numerous islands covered with grape vines. The country through 
which it flows is beautiful ; the groves are so dispersed in the prairies 
that it makes a noble prospect ; and the fruit of the trees shows a fertile 
soil. These groves are full of walnut, oak, and other trees unknown 
to us in Europe. We saw neither game nor fish, but roebuck and 
buffaloes in great numbers. After having navigated thirty leagues 
we discovered some iron mines, and one of our company who had seen 
such mines before, said these were very rich in ore. They are covered 
with about three feet of soil, and situate near a chain of rocks, whose 
base is covered with fine timber. After having rowed ten leagues 
further, making forty leagues from the place where we had embarked, 
we came into the Mississippi on the 17th June (1673). 

The mouth of the Mesconsin (Wisconsin) is in about 421° N. lat. 
Behold us, then, upon this celebrated river, whose singularities I have 
attentively studied. The Mississippi takes its rise in several lakes in 
the North. Its channel is very narrow at the mouth of the Mescon- 
sin, and runs south until it is affected by very high hills. Its current 
is slow, because of its depth. In sounding we found nineteen fathoms 
of water. A little further on it widens nearly three-quarters of a league, 
and the width continues to be more equal. We slowly followed its 
course to the south and south-east to the 42° N. lat. Here we per- 
ceived the country change its appearance. There were scarcely any 
more woods or mountains. The islands are covered with fine trees, 
but we could not see any more roebucks, buffaloes, bustards, and 
swans. We met from time to time monstrous fish, which struck so 
violently against our canoes, that at first we took them to be large 
trees, which threatened to upset us. We saw also a hideous monster; 
his head was like that of a tiger, his nose was sharp, and somewhat 
resembled a wildcat ; his beard was long ; his ears stood upright ; the 
color of his head was gray ; and his neck black. He looked upon us 
for some time, but as we came near him our oars frightened him away. 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT, 285 

When we threw our nets into the water we caught an abundance of 
sturgeonSj and another kind of fish like our trout, except that the 
eyes and nose are much smaller, and they have near the nose a bone 
like a woman's busk, three inches broad and a foot and a half long, 
the end of which is flat and broad, and when it leaps out of the water 
the weight of it throws it on its back. 

Having descended the river as far as 41° 28', we found that turkeys 
took the place of game, and the Pisikious that of other animals. We 
call the Pisikious wild bufluloes, because they very much resemble our 
domestic oxen ; they are not so long, but twice as large. We shot one 
of them, and it was as much as thirteen men could do to drag him 
from the place where he fell. They have an enormous head, their 
forehead is broad and flat, and their horns, between which there is at 
least a foot and a half distance, are all black and much longer than our 
European oxen. They have a hump on the back, and their head, 
breast, and a part of the shoulders are covered with long hair. They 
have in the middle of their forehead an ugly tuft of long hair, which, 
failing down over their eyes, blinds them in a manner, and makes 
them look hideous. The rest of the body is covered with curled hair, 
or rather wool like our sheep, but much thicker and stronger. They 
shed their hair in summer, and their skin is as soft as velvet, leaving 
nothing but a short down. The Indians use their skins for cloaks, 
which they paint with figures of several colors. Their flesh and fat is 
excellent, and the J)est dish of the Indians, who kill a great many of 
them. They are very fierce and dangerous, and if they can hook a 
man with their horns, they toss him up and then tread upon him. The 
Indians hide themselves when they shoot at them, otherwise they 
would be in great danger of losing their lives. They follow them at 
great distances till, by loss of blood, they are unable to hurt or defend 
themselves. They graze upon the banks of rivers, and I have seen 
four hundred in a herd together. 

We continued to descend the river, not knowing where we were 
going, and having made an hundred leagues without seeing anything 
but wild beasts and birds, and being on our guard we landed at night 
to make our fire and prepare our repast, and then left the shore to an- 
chor in the river, while one of us watched by turns to prevent a surprise. 
We went south and south-west until we found ourselves in about the 
latitude of 40° and some minutes, having rowed more than sixty leagues 
since we entered the river. On the 25th June we went ashore, and 
found some traces of men upon the sand, and a path which led into a 



HISTOUICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

large prairie. We judged it led to an Indian village, and concluded 
to examine it. We therefore left our canoes in charge of our men, 
while M. Joliet and I went to explore it ; a bold undertaking for two 
men in a savage country. We followed this little path in silence about 
two leagues, when we discovered a village on the banks of a river, and 
two others on a hill about half a league from the first. We now com- 
mended ourselves to Grod, and having implored his help, we came so 
near to the Indians that we could hear them talk. We now thought 
it time to make ourselves known to them by screaming alovid. At 
the sound of our voices, the Indians left their huts, and probably taking 
us for Frenchmen, one of us having a black robe on, and seeing but 
two of us, and being warned of our arrival, they sent four old men to 
speak to us, two of whom brought pipes, ornamented with different 
colored feathers. They marched slowly, without saying a word, but 
presenting their pipes to the sun, as if they wished it to smoke them. 

They were a long time coming from their village, but as soon as 
they came near, they halted to take a view of us, and seeing the 
ceremonies they performed, and especially seeing them covered with 
cloth, we judged that they were our allies. I then spoke to them, 
and they said that they were Illinois, and as a sign of friendship they 
presented us their pipes to smoke. They invited us to their village, 
where all the people had impatiently waited for us. These pipes are 
called by the Indians calumets, and as this word is so common among 
them, I shall make use of it in future, when I want to speak of pipes. 
At the door of the cabin in which we were to be received, we found 
an old man in a very remarkable posture, which is the usual ceremony 
in receiving strangers. He was standing up, all naked, with his 
hands lifted up to Heaven, as if he wished to screen himself from the 
rays of the sun, which nevertheless passed through his fingers to his 
face. When we came near to him, he said, " What a fair day, French- 
men, this is to come to visit us ! All our people have waited for thee, 
and thou shalt enter our cabin in peace." He then took us into his, 
where there were a crowd of people who devoured us with their eyes, 
but who kept a profound silence. We only occasionally heard these 
words in a low voice, '' These are our brothers who have come to 
see us." 

As soon as we sat down, they presented us, according to custom, 
their calumet, which one must accept, or he would be looked upon as 
an enemy, and it is sufiicient to place it only to your mouth, and pre- 
tend to smoke. While the old men smoked in our cabin to entertain 
us, the great chief of the Illinois sent us word to come to his village, 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT, 287 

where he wished to hold a council with us. We went accordingly 
to him, and were followed by all the people of this village, for they 
had never seen any Frenchmen before. They never appeared tired 
of gazing at us. They went backwards and forwards to look at us, 
without making any noise, and this they esteemed as a mark of respect. 
Having arrived at the borough of the chief, we espied him at the door 
of his cabin, between two old men, who were likewise naked, and 
standing, holding the calumet towards the sun. He made us a short 
speech, to congratulate us on our arrival in his country, and presented 
us with his calumet, which we had to smoke before we could enter into 
his cabin. This ceremony being over, he conducted us and desired us 
to sit down upon a mat, and the old men of the nation being present, I 
thought fit to acquaint them with the subject of our voyage, and there- 
fore I told them, 1st, that we designed to visit all nations that were 
on the river, down to the sea. 2d. That Grod, who had created them, 
took pity on them, and had sent me to bring them to a knowledge of 
Him, and to repent. 3d. That the great captain of the French had 
commanded me to tell them that he had conquered the Iroquois, and 
wished to live in peace with them. 4th. And lastly, that we desired 
them to tell us all about the sea and the nations we were to pass 
through before we arrived there. 

After we sat down, the chief placed a slave near us, and made us a 
present of the mysterious calumet, which he thought more valuable 
to us than the slave. He showed to us by this present his respect for 
our great captain, and he begged us to remain among them, because 
of the dangers to which we were exposed in our voyage. I told him 
that we did not fear death, and that I would esteem it a happiness to 
lose my life in the service of Grod, at which he seemed to be much 
surprised. The council being over, we were invited to a feast, which 
consisted of four dishes. The first was a dish of sagamite, that is some 
Indian meal boiled in water, and seasoned with grease ; the master of 
ceremonies holding a spoonful of it, which he put thrice into my 
mouth, and then did the like to M. Joliet. The second dish consisted 
of three fish, whereof he took a piece, and having taken out the bones, 
and blown upon it to cool it, he put it into my mouth. The third 
dish was a large dog, which they had killed on purpose, but under- 
standing that we did not eat this animal they sent it away. The 
fourth was a piece of buffalo meat, of which they put the fattest 
pieces into our mouths. 

As soon as we had feasted, we were taken to a village of three hun- 
dred cabins, attended by an officer, who kept the people from crowding 



288 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

upon us. They presented us with belts, garters, and other articles 
made of the hair of bears and buffaloes. We slept in the chief's hut, 
and, on the following morning, we took leave of him, promising to 
return to his village in four moons. He escorted us to our canoes 
with nearly six hundred persons, who saw us embark, evincing in 
every way the pleasure our visit gave them. It will not be improper 
for me to relate here, what I observed of the customs and manners 
of this people, which are very diflferent from any I have ever before 
visited. The word Illinois in their language signifies men; as if they 
looked upon all other Indians as beasts. And truly it must be con- 
fessed that they are more humane than any others I have ever seen. 
The short time I remained with them did not permit me to inform 
myself of their customs and manners as much as I desired. They 
are divided into several villages, some of which I have not seen. 
They live so remote from other nations, that their language is entirely 
different. They called themselves ^'Perouarca." Their language is 
a dialect of the Algonquin. They are very mild in their dispositions. 
They keep several wives, of whom they are very jealous, and watch 
them closely. If they behave unchastely, they cut off their ears or 
nose, of which I saw several who carried those marks of their infi- 
delity. 

The Illinois are well formed and very nimble. They are skill- 
ful with their bows and rifles, with which they are supplied by the 
Indians who trade with our Frenchmen. This makes them formidable 
to their enemies, who have no firearms. They make excursions to 
the west to capture slaves, which they barter with other nations for 
the commodities they want. Those nations are entirely ignorant of 
iron tools ; their knives, axes, and other instruments, are made of flint 
and other sharp stones. When the Illinois go upon a war expedition, 
the whole village is notified by an outcry at the door of their huts the 
morning and evening before they set out. Their chiefs are distin- 
guished from the soldiers, by red scarfs made of the hair of buffaloes, 
curiously wrought, which are taken only a few days' journey from 
their village. They live by hunting, and on Indian corn, of which 
they always have a plenty. They sow beans and melons, which 
are excellent, especially those whose seed is red. They dry them, 
and keep them till the winter and spring. 

Their cabins are large ; they are covered and carpeted with rushes. 
Their dishes are of wood, but their spoons are made with the bones of 
the buffalo, which they cut so as to make them very convenient to eat 
their saganiite with. They have physicians among them to whom, in 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT. 289 

cases of sickness, they are very liberal. Their clothing consists of the 
skins of wild animals, which serve to clothe their women, who dress 
very modestly, while the men go most of the year almost naked. Some 
of the Illinois and Nadonessians wear women's apparel, and when they 
put it on in their youth, they never leave it off. There must certainly 
be some mystery* in this. They never marry, but work in the cabins 
with the women, which the other men think it beneath them to do. 
They assist in all the juggleries and the solemn dance in honor of the 
calumet, but they are not permitted either to dance or sing. They 
are called to their councils, and nothing is determined without their 
advice; for because of their extraordinary manner of living, they are 
looked upon as manitous or persons of consequence. 

It now only remains for me to speak of the calumet, the most mys- 
terious thing in the world. The sceptres of our kings are not so 
much respected ; for the Indians have such a deference for it, that one 
may call it " Tlie God of Peace and War, and the arbiter of life and 
death." One with this calumet may venture amongst his enemies, 
and on the hottest battles they lay down their arms before this sacred 
pipe. The Illinois presented me with one of them, which was very 
useful to us in our voyage. Their Calumet of Peace is different from 
the Calumet of War ; they make use of the former to seal their alli- 
ances and treaties, to travel with safety, and receive strangers ; and the 
other is to proclaim war. It is made of a red stone, and smooth as 
marble. The head is like our common tobacco pipe, but larger, and 
fixed to a hollow reed, to hold it for smoking. They ornament it 
with the head and neck of different birds, to which they add large 
feathers of different colors, and call it The Calumet of the Sun, to 
whom they present it when they want fair weather, or rain, believing 
that this planet cannot have less respect for it than they themselves, 
and therefore they will obtain their wishes. They do not dare to 
wash themselves in the rivers in the beginning of summer, or eat new 
fruit, before they have danced the calumet. 

This dance of the calumet is a solemn ceremony among the In- 
dians, which they only perform on important occasions, such as to con- 
firm an alliance, or make peace with their neighbors. They also use 
it to entertain any nation that comes to visit them; and in this case 
we may consider it as their grand entertainment. They perform it in 
winter time in their cabins, and in the open field in summer. They 

* See Hennepin's account of this custom in his "Voyage en un pays plus 
grand que L'Europe entre la mer glaciale and le nouveau Mexique." 

20 



290 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

choose for tbat purpose a place under the trees, to shelter themselves 
against the heat of the sun, and lay in the middle of it a large mat, 
to place the god of the chief of the company upon, who gives the en- 
tertainment. For every one has his peculiar god, whom they call 
manitoa. It is sometimes a stone, a bird, a serpent, or anything else 
that they dream of in their sleep. They believe that this manitoa 
will prosper their sports, of fishing, hunting, and other enterprises. 
To the right of their manitoa they place the calumet, their great 
deity, making round about it a kind of trophy with their arms, namely, 
their clubs, axes, bows, quivers, and arrows.* Things being thus ar- 
ranged, and the hour for dancing having arrived, the men and women 
who are to sing take the most honorable seats under the trees or 
arbors. Every one, then, who comes in afterwards sits down, in a ring, 
as they arrive, having first saluted the manitoa, by puffing tobacco 
smoke upon it, which signifies as much as making it an offering of 
incense. 

Then the Indians, one after the other, take the calumet, and, hold- 
ing it with both hands, dances with it, following the cadence of the 
songs, by making different attitudes, turning from side to side, and 
showing it to the whole assembly. This being over, he who is to be- 
gin the dance appears in the middle of the assembly, and having 
taken the calumet, presents it to the sun, as if he would invite him to 
smoke. Then he places it in an infinite number of positions, some- 
times laying it near the ground, then stretching its wings, as if he 
wanted it to fly, and afterwards presents it to the spectators, who 
smoke it, one after another, dancing all the time, as in the first scene of 
a ballet. The second scene is a combat, accompanied with vocal and in- 
strumental music, for they have a large drum which agrees pretty well 
with their voices. The person who dances with the calumet gives a 
signal to one of their warriors, who takes a bow and arrows from the 
mat, already mentioned, and fights the other, who defends himself with 
the calumet alone, both of them dancing all the while. This spectacle 
is very amusing, especially when it is done in time, for the one attacks, 
and the other defends; the one thrusts, and the other parries; the one 
runs, and the other pursues ; which is all done so well, with measured 
steps, and at the regular sound of voices and drums, that it would 
easily pass for a French ballet. 

The fight being over, the third scene consists of a speech made by 
him who holds the calumet, relating the battles he has been in, the 

• These weapons are still used in war by the Indians west of the Mississippi. 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT. 291 

victories he has won, and the scalps he has taken; and to reward him, 
the chief presents him with a buffalo robe, and, having received it, he 
then goes and presents the calumet to another, and this one to a 
third, and so on until they all make speeches, when the head chief 
presents it to the nation that has been invited to the feast as a mark 
of their friendship, and a continuation of their alliance. There is a 
song they sing, to which they give a certain turn of expression which 
is extremely agreeable, and which begins thus : — 

" Ninahani, Ninahani, Ninahani, 
Nane ango." 

We took leave of our guides about the end of June, and embarked 
in presence of all the village, who admired our birch canoes, as they 
had never before seen anything like them. We descended the river, 
looking for another called Pekitanoni (the Missouri), which runs from 
the north-west into the Mississippi, of which I will speak more 
hereafter. 

As we followed the banks, I observed on the rocks a medicinal plant 
which had a remarkable shape. Its root is like small turnips linked 
together by small fibres which had the taste of carrots. From the 
root springs a leaf as wide as the hand, about an inch thick, with 
spots in the middle, from whence shoot other leaves, each of them 
bearing five or six yellow flowers of a bell shape. We found a quantity 
of mulberries as large as those of France, and a small fruit which we 
took at first for olives, but it had the taste of an orange, and another 
as large as a hen's egg. We broke it in half, and found the inside 
was divided into two divisions, in each of which were eight or ten 
seeds shaped like an almond, and very good to eat when ripe; the 
tree nevertheless gives out a bad odor, and the leaves are shaped like 
that of the walnut tree. We saw also in the prairies a fruit like our 
filberts. 

As we were descending the river we saw high rocks with hideous 
monsters painted on them, and upon which the bravest Indians dare 
not look. They are as large as a calf, with head and horns like 
a goat ; their eyes red ; beard like a tiger's ; and a face like a man's. 
Their tails are so long that they pass over their heads and between 
their fore legs, under their belly, and ending like a fish's tail. They 
are painted red, green, and black. They are so well drawn that I 
cannot believe they were drawn by the Indians. And for what pur- 
pose they were made seems to me a great mystery. As we fell down 
the river, and while we were discoursing upon these monsters, we 



292 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

heard a great rushing and bubbling of waters, and small islands of 
floating trees coming from the mouth of the PeMtanoni (the Missouri), 
with such rapidity that we could not trust ourselves to go near 
it. The water of this river is so muddy that we could not drink it. 
It so discolors the Mississippi as to make the navigation of it dan- 
gerous. This river comes from the north-west, and empties into the 
Mississippi, and on its banks are situated a number of Indian villages. 
We judged by the compass, that the Mississippi discharged itself 
into the Grulf of Mexico. It would, however, have been more agree- 
able if it had discharged itself into the South Sea or Gulf of California. 

The Indians told us that by ascending the Peketanoni, about six days' 
journey from its mouth, we would find a beautiful prairie twenty or thirty 
leagues broad, at the end of which, to the north-west, is a small river, 
which is not difl&cult to navigate. This river runs towards the South- 
west for ten or fifteen leagues, after which it enters a small lake, which 
is the source of another deep river, running to the West, where it 
empties into the sea. I do not doubt that this is the Vermilion sea, 
and hope I shall have, one time or other, the opportunity of under- 
taking its discovery, and instructing the poor Indian who has been so 
long groping his way in heathen darkness. But leaving this digres- 
sion, and now having escaped the dangers of being swamped by the 
current and floating timber of this rapid river, I return to the subject 
of our voyage. After having gone about twenty leagues to the South, 
and a little less to the South-east, we met another river called Oua- 
houskigaib (the Ohio), which runs into the Mississippi in the latitude of 
36° N. But before we arrived there, we passed through a most for- 
midable passage to the Indians, who believe that a manitoa or demon 
resides there, to devour travelers, and which the Indians told us of to 
make us abandon our voyage. 

This demon is only a blufi" of rocks, twenty feet high, against which 
the river runs with great violence, and being thrown back by the rocks 
and island near it, the water makes a great noise and flows with great 
rapidity through a narrow channel, which is certainly dangerous to 
canoes. The Ouabouskigou (the Ohio) comes from the East. The 
Ohouanous (the Shawanese) live on its banks, and are so numerous 
that I have been informed there are thirty-eight villages of that nation 
situated on this river : they are a very harmless people. The Iroquois 
are constantly making war upon them, without any provocation, be- 
cause they have no firearms, and carrying them into captivity. At a 
little distance above the mouth of this river, our men discovered some 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT. 293 

banks of iron ore; of which, they brought several specimens into our 
canoe. There is also here a kind of fat earth, of three different colors, 
purple, red, and yellow, which turns the water of the river into a deep- 
blood color. We also discovered a red sand which is very heavy. 
I put some of it upon my oar, which dyed it red. We had seen 
no reeds, or canes, but they now began to make their appearance, 
and grew so thick that cattle could not make their way through them. 
They are of an agreeable green color, and grow very high. Their 
tops are crowned with long and sharp leaves. 

Up to the present time we had not seen any mosquitoes, but they 
now began to be very troublesome. The Indians who live in this part 
of the country, in order to protect themselves from the mosquitoes, 
are obliged to build their huts differently from other Indians. They 
drive into the ground long poles, very near one another, which sup- 
port a large hurdle, upon which they lie, instead of a floor, and under 
which they make a fire. The smoke passes through it, and drives 
away the mosquitoes. The roof of the hurdle is covered with skins 
and bark, which pi-otects them from rain, and the insupportable heat 
of their summers. For the same reason we were also obliged to 
make an awning over our canoes with our sails. As we were gliding 
along with the force of the current we perceived Indians on land armed 
with guns, waiting for us to come ashore. Our men prepared them- 
selves to fight, and it was resolved to let them fixe first. As we came 
near, I spoke to them in the language of the Hurons, and showed 
them my calumet of peace ; but they would not answer me, which 
we took for a declaration of war. 

We resolved, however, to pass them, and as we came nearer, they 
desired us, in a friendly manner, to come ashore. We therefore dis- 
embarked, and went to their village. They entertained us with buffa- 
lo and bear's meat, and white plums, which were excellent. We ob- 
served they had guns, knives, axes, shovels, glass beads, and bottles 
in which they put their powder. They wear their hair long as the 
Iroquois, and their women are dressed as the Hunrons. They told us 
that they were only within ten days' journey of the sea; that they 
bought their goods from the Europeans, who live towards the east, 
that they had images and chaplets, and played upon musical instru- 
ments. That they were clothed as I was, and were very kind to them. 
However, I did not see anything about them that could persuade me 
that they had received any instructions about our holy religion. I 
endeavoured to give them a general idea of it, and presented them 



294 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 

with some medals to remind them of it. The account the Indians 
gave us of the sea was very encouraging, and therefore we applied our 
oars with great vigor, in hopes of seeing it very soon. The banks of 
the river began to be covered with high trees, which hindered us from 
observing the country as we had done all along. The elm, cotton, and 
cypress trees are beautiful on account of their size and height. We 
judged, from the bellowing of the buffaloes, that some prairies were 
near. We saw quails, and shot a parrot which had half of his head 
red, the neck yellow, and the rest of the body green. We soon de- 
scended to latitude 33° north, and found ourselves at a village on 
the river side called Mitchigamea.* 

The Indians made a great noise, and appeared in arms, dividing 
themselves into three parties, one of which stood on the shore, while 
the others went into their canoes to intercept our retreat, and prevent 
our escape. They were armed with bows and arrows, clubs, axes, and 
bucklers, and commenced attacking us. Notwithstanding these pre- 
parations we invoked our patroness, the Holy Virgin, and rowed 
directly for the shore. As we came near, two young men threw 
themselves into the water to board my canoe, which they would have 
done had not the rapidity of the current prevented them ; so they 
returned to the shore and threw their clubs at us, which passed 
over our heads. It was in vain I showed them the calumet, and made 
signs to them that we had not come to fight ; they continued to sur- 
round us, and were about to pierce us on all sides with their arrows, 
when God suddenly touched their hearts, and the old men who stood 
upon the bank stopped the ardor of their young men, and made signs 
of peace, and came down to the shore, and throwing their bows and 
arrows into our canoes, made signs for us to come ashore, which we 
did, not, however, without some suspicions on our part. 

I spoke to them in six different languages, but they did not under- 
stand any one of them. At last they brought to us an old man who 
spoke the Illinois, whom we told that we wished to go as far as the 
sea, and then made them some presents. They understood what I 
meant, but I am not sure they understood what I said to them of God, 
and things concerning their salvation. It was, however, seed thrown 
on ground which would in time become fruitful. They told us that at 
the next great village, called Arlcansea, eight or ten leagues farther 
down the river, we could learn all about the sea. They feasted us 

• An Indian village on the Mississippi, and supposed to be the site of the 
present town of Helena. * 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT. 295 

with sagamite and fish, and we passed the night with them, not, 
however, without some uneasiness. We embarked early next morning 
with our interpreters and ten Indians, who went before us in a canoe. 
Having arrived about half a league from Arhansea^ we saw two 
canoes coming towards us. The captain of one was standing up 
holding the calumet in his hand, with which he made signs, according 
to the custom of the country. He afterwards joined us, inviting us 
to smoke, and singing pleasantly. He then gave us some sagamite and 
Indian bread to eat, and going before made signs for us to follow him, 
which we did, but at some distance. They had in the meantime pre- 
pared a kind of scaffold to receive us, adorned with fine mats, upon 
which we sat down with the old men and warriors. We fortunately 
found among them a young man who spoke Illinois much better than 
the interpreter whom we brought with us from Mitchigamea.* We 
made them some small presents, which they received with great civility, 
and seemed to admire what I told them about Grod, the creation of 
the world, and the mysteries of our holy faith, telling us, by the in- 
terpreter, that they wished us to remain with them for the purpose of 
instructing them. 

We then asked them what they knew of the sea, and they said we 
were within ten days' journey of it, but we might perform it in five. 
That they were unacquainted with the nations below, because their 
enemies had prevented them from visiting them. That the hatchet, 
knives and beads had been sold to them by the nations of the East, 
and were in part brought by the Illinois, who live four days' jour- 
ney to the West. That the Indians whom we had met with guns 
were their enemies, who hindered them from trading with the Euro- 
peans, and if we persisted in going any farther, we would expose 
ourselves to other nations who were their enemies. During this con- 
versation they continued all day to feast us with sagamite, dog meat, 
and roasted corn out of large wooden dishes. These Indians are very 
courteous, and give freely of what they have, but their provisions are 
but indifferent, because they are afraid to go a hunting on account of 
their enemies. They make three crops of Indian corn a-year. They 
roast and boil it in large earthen pots very curiously made. They 
have also large baked earthen plates, which they use for different pur- 
poses. The men go naked and wear their hair short. They pierce 
their noses and ears, and wear rings of glass beads in them. 

• This name is still applied to a lake a little to the north oS the river St, 

Francis. 



296 HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 

The women cover themselves with skins, and divide their hair into 
two tresses, which they wear behind their back without any ornament. 
Their feasts are without any ceremony, they serve their meats in large 
dishes, and every one eats as much as he pleases. Their language is 
extremely difficult, and although I tried, I never could pronounce a 
word of it. Their cabins are made with the bark of trees, and are 
generally very wide and long. They lie at both ends on mats raised 
on a platform two feet higher than the floor. They keep their corn 
in panniers made of rushes. They have no beavers, and all their com- 
modities are buffalo hides. It never snows in this country, and they 
have no other winter than continued heavy rains, which makes the 
difference between their summer and winter. They have no other 
fruit but watermelons, though their soil might produce any other, if 
they knew how to cultivate it. In the evening the chiefs held a secret 
council, wherein some proposed to kill us ; but the great chief opposed 
this base design, and sent for us to dance the calumet, which he pre- 
sented us with to seal our common friendship. M. Joliet and I held 
a council, to deliberate upon what we should do — whether to proceed 
further, or return to Canada, content with the discoveries we had 
made. 

Having satisfied ourselves that the Gulf of Mexico was in latitude 
31° 40', and that we could reach it in three or four days' journey from 
the Akansea (Arkansas River), and that the Mississippi discharged 
itself into it, and not to the eastward of the Cape of Florida, nor 
into the California Sea, we resolved to return home. We considered 
that the advantage of our travels would be altogether lost to our 
nation if we fell into the hands of the Spaniards, from whom we could 
expect no other treatment than death or slavery; besides, we saw that 
we were not prepared to resist the Indians, the allies of the Europeans, 
who continually infested the lower part of this river; we therefore 
came to the conclusion to return, and make a report to those who had 
sent us. So that having rested another day, we left the village of 
the Akansea, on the seventeenth of July, 1673, having followed the 
Mississippi from the latitude of 42° to 34°, and preached the Grospel 
to the utmost of my power, to the nations we visited. We then 
ascended the Mississippi with great difficulty against the current, and 
left it in the latitude of 38° north, to enter another river (Illinois), 
which took us to the lake of the Illinois (Michigan), which is a much 
shorter way than through the River Mesconsin (Wisconsin), by which 
we entered the Mississippi. 



MARQUETTE AND JOLIET's ACCOUNT. 297 

I never saw a more beautiful country than we found on this 
river. The prairies are covered with buffaloes, stags, goats, and the 
rivers and lakes with swans, ducks, geese, parrots, and beavers. 
The river upon which we sailed was wide, deep and placid for sixty- 
five leagues, and navigable most all the year round. There is a 
portage of only half a league into the lake of the Illinois (Michigan). 
We found on the banks of this river, a village called Kuilka, consist- 
ing of seventy-four cabins. They received us very kindly, and we 
promised to return to instruct them. The chief, with most of the 
youth of this village, accompanied us to the lake, from whence we 
returned to the Bay of Puans (G-reen Bay), about the end of Septem- 
ber.* If my perilous journey had been attended with no other advan- 
tage than the salvation of one soul, I would think my perils sufficiently 
rewarded. I preached the Grospel to the Illinois of Perouacca for three 
days together. My instructions made such an impression upon this 
poor people, that as soon as we were about to depart they brought to 
me a dying child to baptize, which I did, about half an hour before 
he died, and which, by a special providence, Grod was pleased to save. 

* The following table of distances offer the best means of forming some idea 
of the whole distance passed over by Marquette and Jolietin this tour. 

MILES. 

From Green Bay (Puans) up Fox River to the portage, . . 175 



From the portage down the Wisconsin to the Mississippi, 
From the mouth of the Wisconsin to the mouth of the Arkansas 
From the Arkansas to the Illinois River, .... 
From the mouth of the Illinois to Chicago, .... 
From Chicago to Green Bay by the lake shore, 



175 
1087 
547 
305 
260 

2549 



298 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF LOUISIANA. 



TABLE NO. 1. 



OF GEOGRAPHICAL POSITIONS OF THE MISSISSIPPI* AND MISSOURI, 
AS ASCERTAINED BY LONG, NICOLLET AND OTHERS. 



Mississippi River at low water. 












Places of observation. 


log 

O 3 « 


Altitudes 
above the 

Gulf of 
Mexico. t 


North lati- 
tude. 


West of Green- 
wich. 


Longitu 
arc 


les in 




Miles. 


Feet. 


o 


/ 


// 


o 


/ 


II 


New Orleans Cathedral, and 


















level of its front pavement - 


104 


10.5 


29 


57 


23 


89 


59 


4 


Red River, north end of the is- 


















land, opposite the mouth 


340 


76 


31 


2 


25 


91 


41 


15 


Natchez, light-house 


406 


86 


31 


33 


37 


91 


28 


22.5 


Yazoo River, the mouth - 


534 


- 


32 


28 





90 


59 


30 


White River, Montgomery's 


















Landing, one mile above the 


















mouth - - - - - 


754 


202 


33 


57 


20 


90 


26 


45 


New Madrid, Missouri 


1,115 


- 


36 


34 


30 


89 


97 


15 


Ohio River, north side of the 


















mouth - - - - - 


1,216 


324 


37 





25 


89 


2 


30 


Cape Girardeau ... 


1,257 


- 


37 


18 


39 


89 


17 





St. Genevieve, Catholic church, 


















and level of its pavement 


1,330 


372 


37 


59 


47 


90 


11 


10 


St. Louis, garden of the cathe- 


















dral 


1,390 


382 


38 


37 


28 


90 


15 


39 


Illinois River, the mouth - 


1,426 


- 


38 


58 


12 




- 




Moingonan River (Des Moines 


















River), a small island at the 


















mouth - - . - . 


1,594 


444 


40 


21 


43 


91 


32 


30 


Montrose, or old Fort Des 


















Moines, the mouth of the 


















creek - - - . . 


1,609 


470 


40 


30 


34 


91 


31 





Flint River, the mouth above 


















Burlington - - - - 


1,639 


486 


40 


52 


56 




- 




Maskudeng, the middle mouth 


















of the slough ... 


1,678 


550 


41 


14 


47 


91 


21 


30 


Rock Island, a quarter of a mile 


















above Davenport's residence - 


1,722 


528 


41 


31 


50 




- 




Head of the Upper Rapids, below 


















Port Byron and Parkhurst 


1,737 


554 


41 


36 


8 


90 


29 





Prairie du Chien (Kipi-saging), 


















American Fur Company's 


















house .... 


1,932 


642 


43 


3 


6 


91 


9 


19.5 


Summit of bluff on the eastern 


















side of Prairie du Chien 


- 


1,010 




- 






- 




Upper Iowa River, island at the 


















mouth - . - . - 


1,978 


- 


43 


29 


26 


91 


10 





Sappah River, or Black River, 


















opposite to the old mouth - 


2,035 


683 


43 


57 


14 


91 


24 






* The Mississippi rises from lakes in a champaign country. The Missouri 
River rises in a mountainous country, flows with a rapid current, and is very 
turbid and muddy. Since it has been known to the whites, it has risen three 
or four times forty feet above the usual high water mark. 

t The numbers in this column refer to the surface of the water in the Mis- 
eiseippi at the point mentioned, except when otherwise especially expressed. 



DISTANCES, ELEVATION AND LATITUDE. 



299 



Places of observation. 




North lati- 
tude. 



West of Geeen- 
wich. 



Longitudes in 
arc. 



Miles. 



Top of mountain on right 
bank, opposite the old 
mouth . - . - 
Dividing ridge between Sap- 
pah River and Prairie 'k. la 
Crosse River, six miles east 
of Mississippi - . - 
Mountain island, or Montague 
qui trempe a I'Eau of the 
French - - 
Miniskah River, or White-water 
River - . - - 

Reminicha (Montague la 
Grange of the French) upper 
end of Lake Pepin 
Top of Reminicha 
Lahontan River, the mouth — 
(Cannon River of the Ameri- 
cans, Canoe River of the 
French) 
St. Croix River, the mouth 
St. Peters, the mouth 

General Level of the plateau 
on which Fort Snelling and 
the Indian agency stand 
Pilot Knob, the top 
Falls of St. Anthony, U. S. cot- 
tage - - - - - 
Ishkode-wabo River, or Rum 
River, the mouth - - - 
Karishon River (Sioux), or Undeg 
River (Chippeways), Crow 
River of the Americans 
Wabezi, or Swan River, a half 

mile above the mouth - 
Kagi-wigwan River, the mouth 
(Aile de Corbeau River of the 
French — Crowing River of the 
Americans) - - - - 
Kabikons, or Little Falls, the 
head of the falls - - - 
Wanomon River, or Vermilion 
River, the mouth - - - 
Eagle Nest Savannah (Marais 
aux Nids d'Aigle of the 
French) . . - - 

Leech Lake River, the mouth - 
Lake Cass, the old trading-house 
on a tongue of land near the 
entrance of the Mississippi - 
Pemidji Lake or Lake Travers, 
the entrance of the Mississippi 
Itasca Lake, Schoolcraft's island 
Utmost sources of the Missis- 
sippi, at the summit of the 
Hauteurs de Terre, or Divid- 
ing-ridge, between the Missis- 
sippi and Red River of the 
north - - - - - 



2,042 
2,069 

2,115 



2,118 
2,150 
2,192 



2,200 
2,219 

2,229 
2,341 

2,381 
2,627 
2,648 

2,664 
2,675 

2,755 

2,800 
2,890 



2,896 



Feet. 



1,214 



1,103 



714 
1,036 



729 
744 



850 
1,006 

856 



1,098 

1,130 
1,340 

1,356 

1,402 

1,456 
1,575 

1,680 



44 1 7 
44 12 36 

44 33 30 



44 34 
44 45 30 
44 52 46 



44 58 40 

45 15 

45 16 

45 54 30 

46 16 50 

47 14 50 
47 11 4 



47 18 10 
47 14 



47 25 23 



47 28 46 
47 13 35 



91 30 30 

91 51 15 

92 31 



92 32 

92 45 

93 4 54 



93 10 30 



94 22 



94 22 45 
93 26 45 



93 32 30 

93 39 

93 43 

94 34 

94 50 30 

95 2 



300 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OP LOUISIANA. 



TABLE NO. 2. 












Missouri River at low water. 












« 


CO ^ 








West of Green- 


Places of observation. 


■So i 


Altitude 

above tl 

Gulf of 

Mexico 


North lati- 




wich. 








O 3 O 








Lon 


gitudes in 
arc. 




Miles. 


Feet. 





/ 


// 





/ // 


Mouth of Missouri River, the 
















south bank, eighteen miles 
















above St. Louis - - - 


1,408 


388 


38 


50 


50 


90 


13 45 


Goebel's residence, near New- 
















port, Franklin county, Mis- 
















souri - . - - - 


- 


- 


38 


33 


68 


91 


7 9 


Gasconade River, the mouth 


1,513 


- 


38 


41 


40 




- 


Portland, Callaway county, Mis- 
















souri, left bank of Missouri 
















River - - - - - 


1,523 


- 


38 


42 


57 


91 


40 15 


Osage River, the mouth 


1,543 


- 


38 


35 







- 


Nashville, Boone county, left 
















bank . . . - - 


1,579 


- 


38 


47 


7 


92 


49 30 


Boonville, Cooper county, right 
















bank - - - - - 


1,604 


530 


38 


57 


18 


92 


41 30 


Grand River, southwest of the 














- 


mouth - - - - - 


1,670 


- 


39 


19 







- 


Old Fort Osage, right bank 


1,748 


- 


39 


9 


33 




- 


Lower Liberty landing 


1,770 


- 


39 


11 


43 


94 


20 15 


Kansas River, the mouth - 


1,790 


- 


39 


5 


25 




- 


Fort Leavenworth, the landing 
















place - - - - - 
Cow Island - _ . - 


1,820 


746 


39 


22 


40 


94 


44 


1,829 


- 


39 


25 


5 




- 


Sand-bar, eighteen miles above 
















Fort Leavenworth — above the 
















Old Cut-off - - - - 


1,838 


- 


39 


29 


42 


95 


1 


Black Snake hill, the landing 


1,876 


797 


39 


44 


23 


94 


47 30 


Antelope Island . - - 


1,924 


- 


40 


4 


23 


96 


19 30 


Nishnabatona River, opposite 
















the mouth - - - - 


1,948 


- 


40 


16 


60 


95 


25 


Bald Island, lower end, and 
















western side ... 


1,977 


- 


40 


34 





95 


34 30 


Five-Barrel Islands - - . 


2,008 


972 


40 


49 


44 


95 


42 


Hill on the right bank at Five- 
















Barrel Islands - . - 


- 


1,152 




- 






- 


Platte River, north side of the 
















mouth - . - . - 


2,026 


- 


41 


3 


24 




- 


Engineer Cantonment 


- 


- 


41 


25 


4 


95 


43 52.5 


Island three miles below Council 
















Bluffs by water ... 


2,081 


1,023 


41 


28 


20 


95 


45 30 


Inyan-yanke River (Little Sioux 
















River), three miles below the 
















mouth - - . - - 


2,159 


- 


41 


47 





95 


64 


Wood's Hills, old trading-house 


2,197 


- 


42 





49 


96 


7 


Floyd's Grave, top of the river 
















bank - . . . - 


2,263 


1,253 




- 






- 


Huppan-kutey Prairie, left bank. 
















one mile above American 
















Fur Company's trading- 
















house .... 


2,328 


1,217 


42 


44 


25 


96 


41 51 


Hills on the right bank, two 
















miles below the preceding 
















station .... 


-* 


1,540 




- 






~ 



DISTANCES, ELEVATION AND LATITUDE. 



301 





a. 


.« 






West of Green - 


Places of observation. 




tude 
re th 
If of 
sico 


North lati- 




wich. 










- o 3 «^ 






Longitudes iu 
arc. 




Miles. 


Feet. 


° 


/ rr 


° 


/ // 


Ponkah River, one mile below 














the mouth, left bank of Mis- 














souri River - - - - 


2,426 


_ 


42 


50 




- 


Nawizi River, near the mouth - 


2,431 


_ 


42 


51 40 




- 


Wicha-pahah, or Scalp Mountain 














Creek, two miles above the 














mouth - - - - - 


2,476 


_ 


43 


8 33 


98 


37 


Rantesha-wita, or Red Cedar Is- 














land, lower end, opposite Bad 














Creek 


2,490 


1,296 


43 


14 24 


98 


47 45 


Hills on the right bank of Red 














Cedar Island — 














First range - 


- 


1,522 




- 




- 


Second range 


- 


1,876 




- 




- 


Third range - 


- 


2,033 




- 




- 


Sailor Island, one mile below - 


2,526 


1,314 


43 


38 4 


99 


8 


Hills on the left bank, between 














Sailor Island and White 














River, viz : 














Top of the Black Zone (pseudo 














volcano) - - - - 


- 


1,532 




- 




— 


Top of the upland, or Biyou's 














Hills - - - - - 




1,738 




- 




- 


Mankizita, or White River, the 


- 












mouth - - - - - 


2,537 


_ 


43 


41 


99 


12 


Lower Island, or beginning of 














the Great Bend 


2,582 


- 


44 


9 


99 


20 


Dry Wood River, one mile below 














the entrance - - - - 


2,616 


- 


44 


7 31 


99 


31 30 


Fort Pierre Chouteau, on the 














right bank - - 


2,664 


1,456 


44 


23 28 


100 


12 30 


Highest point, north-east, two 














miles from Fort Pierre, on 














the opposite bank 


- 


1,960 




- 




- 






LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




014 543 084 7 






m!^^ 






<^mm 



'.*,','■ •' 






''///■l-'i' 



